Thursday, 6 August 2015

Clothes for the Bridlington Poor 1637.


Detail of the poor. Tichborne Dole 1671

With many thanks to Paul Leask who passed the information to me. 

The information we have on clothing provided to the poor in the mid seventeenth century has increased considerably over the years. Spufford noted the Beccles overseers’ accounts for 1636-7 and 1645-69.(1) Saunders worked on the churchwarden accounts for several London parishes covering the period 1630-1680,(2) and Tankard used a variety of sources for her work on the clothing of the poor in Sussex. (3) The accounts for Bridlington give us provision in a small Yorkshire town for just one year 1637.(4) 

Bridlington
Bridlington is a small town on the Yorkshire coast. The manor of Bridlington was sold by its owner Sir George Ramsey, to thirteen men from the town who purchased it on behalf of all the tenants. In 1636 these men became the feofees (trustees) of the manor, and the record of the giving of clothing to the poor comes from the following year. (5) In 1643 Henrietta Maria landed there with troops to support her husband.

The costs
The record commences with a statement of the costs involved, or at least some of the costs. The fabrics themselves are given as “Bestowed in cloath for the poor of Bridlington cum Key the summe of £4 15s 6d,” a man called Atken, presumably a tailor, is then paid 6s 0d for “making the poore cloathes.” (4) This relationship between the cost of cloth and the making is similar to that in other places. In Rothfield, Sussex in 1663 four and three quarter ells of lockram plus thread  cost 4s 10d but the cost of making was only 8d, while in 1667 the provision of a coat involved three yards of kersey at 6s, but  only 1s 6d for the making and the buttons. (3)

The quantities
Twenty six gifts were made to twenty five people, eighteen women and six men, plus two gifts of hose to Julian Clarke, whose sex is unclear. Six of the women are described with the prefix Uxor, which means wife, rather than a Christian name. Only two items are for children.

The fabrics
Unfortunately the quote is “Bestowed in cloath.” There is no indication what type or types of cloth, or price per yard, and no indication of the length, so it is uncertain whether it made just these items or if there was fabric left over. Provision for the poor usually involved cheap cloth, the Trustees of an almshouse in Greenwich in 1615 decreed the warden should “make this purchase of cloth in the best season of the yeare when and where he may have yt the best cheape.” (6) However it was not all of the cheapest, fabrics mentioned by those providing poor Londoners with clothes in the 17th century include for wools: broadcloth, cottons, and flannel, and for flax: buckram, canvas, and linen.(2) 

The only material mentioned in the accounts is for William Bower who is given a “dublet and breeches of calves lether with lineinge of hardin” Harden is a coarse flax fabric described by Markham in 1615 as “That which comes from the flaxe being a little towed again in a paire of wool cards, will make a course harding.” (7) Clothing made of leather was relatively common and did not necessarily come from the tailor, a glover’s widow in 1682 had nineteen pairs of leather breeches in stock. (8)

Clothes for men
George Whiteinge described as “a prentice” is given two new shirts. There is no indication as to whether he is a child supported by the parish who is being indentured, or just a very poor apprentice. It was common for parish overseers who were paying for pauper children’s indentures to also provide clothing. In London Saunders noted that the richer parishes provided better clothes. In 1630 St. Botolph Aldgate paid, “for clothing a child put to prentice 15s 4d”, while in 1658/9 the richer St Dunstan in the West paid £1 14s 11d for  “John Dunstan an apprentice.”(2)

Three men, John Ulyet, Edward ffoster, and Richard Sampson are given coats, as is Nan Denie, though her coat is described as fully lined. They are given coats rather than doublets, one man William Bower, mentioned above and described as “the ideote” was given, a “dublet and breeches of calves lether with lineinge of hardin.” The choice of leather may be because it is harder wearing.

Matthew Man is given a safeguard, but whether this is for him or a female member of his family we don’t know.  

Clothes for women
The clothes for women are of two types and here we have terminology questions. Women are given, upper bodies and safeguards. There are six “upper body and sleeves,” while one is just an upper body. There are nine safeguards, including the one for Matthew Man. Fairly obviously these are a main garment for the upper body and a main garment for the lower body, but elsewhere in the country these are usually referred to a waistcoats and petticoats, however sometimes a distinction is made. In 1633 Elizabeth Reynes probate has her owning, among other garments, “a payre of bodice, ... two wastcoates and two old wastcoates more.”(8) Sometimes you get references to petticoats and safeguards, indicating that they are different garments, Buck records Annis Smith in Bedfordshire in 1618, having a wardrobe that consisted of three gowns, five petticoats, three waistcoats, two hats, a safeguard and a cloak, (9) while Tankard quotes a coroner’s inquest, into the suicide of Joan Hawkins in 1606, as noting that her clothing included a petticoat, a russet petticoat and a safeguard. (3) 

The “upper body and sleeves,” is this a boned or an unboned garment? No one can say definitively, but since the payment is just for cloth probably not. When bodies were provided by the Beccles overseers in 1630 they were of canvas.(1) This fits with the London bylaw that for maid servants bodies were to have no stiffening “saving canvas or buckram only.”(10)  Arnold gives a definition of bodies that, “In the second half of the sixteenth century this term refers to both the stiffened inner garment, and the upper part of a woman’s gown fitted close to the body, what we would now describe as a bodice.”(11) Randle Holme describes waistcoats as “an habit or garment generally worn by the middle and lower sort of women, having goared skirts, and some wear them with stomachers.” (12) One wonders if perhaps a waistcoat could be made by a non- professional, a woman at home, while bodies implies that it is made by a tailor, Elizabeth Coulstocke, on trial for theft in 1651 stated that she had intended to make a linsey-woolsey waistcoat from the disputed fabric. (3) Other options are that, for bodies sleeves were an optional extra, hence one woman who received a body without sleeves, or that bodies would be worn with something over them, whereas waistcoats would not.  So although there may be some distinction between the two garments, it is impossible to say what it might be.

The term safeguard, which was common at the time, would also seem to be different in some way from a petticoat. Over the years safeguard has become associated with travelling, however Minsheu in 1617 gives the meaning simply as, “a saveguard for a woman, because it guards the other clothes from soiling.”(13) Phillips dictionary also gives this meaning, “A kind of Dust-gown, or upper Garment worn by Women, commonly called a Safe-Guard”(14) Arnold gives a 1585 description of a safeguard as, “a kind of array or attire reaching from the navel down to the feet,” which implies a skirt.(11)  Holme describes it as part of a riding habit, “put about the middle and so doth secure the feet from cold and dirt.”(12) In the context of Bridlington, it appears to be simply a skirt of some sort.

Clothes for children
Two items are given for children, in both cases apparently to the mother.  One woman, Jane Browne, is given “a paire of breeches for a boy,” presumably her son. The breeches would imply that the child was over the age for breeching, so older than five or six years. Francis Story is given a “childe coate,” children’s coats were probably ankle length with a centre front fastening to the waist. (15) A coat may well indicate that it is for a younger child., but this style survived for many centuries in the uniforms of schools founded in the 16th and 17th centuries such as the various blue coat schools. The coat for poor scholars at Dulwich in 1619 was to be “of good cloth of sad colour, the bodice lined with canvas and the skirts with white cotton. (6)

Bibliography
1. Spufford, M. 1984. The Great Reclothing of Rural England: Petty Chapmen and Their Wares in the Seventeenth Century. London: Hambledon Press
2. Saunders, A. S. 2006. Provision of Apparel for the Poor in London, 1630–1680. Costume, 40, 21-27
3. Tankard, D. 2012. 'A Pair of Grass-Green Woollen Stockings': The Clothing of the Rural Poor in Seventeenth-Century Sussex. Textile History, 43 (1), 5-22.
4. Purvis, J.S. 1926.  Bridlington Charters, Court Rolls and Papers, XVI - XIX Century. Being a selection of Documents Illustrating the History of Bridlington Under the Rule of the Lords Feoffees. London: Brown.
5. Sheahan, J. J. and Whellan, T. 1856. History and Topography of the City of York and the Ainsty Wapentake and the East Riding of Yorkshire, vol 2. Beverley:  Green.
6.  Cunnington, P. and Lucas, C. 1978. Charity costumes of children, scholars, almsfolk, pensioners. London: Black
7. Markham, G. 1615. Countrey Contentments: The Engish Huse-wife. I.B. for R. Jackson,)
8. Williams, L. And Thomson, S. Eds. 2007. Marlborough Probate Inventories 1591-1775. Chippenham: Wiltshire Record Society.
9. Buck, A. 2000. Clothing and textiles in Bedfordshire Inventories 1617-1620. Costume, 34, 25-38
10. Cunnington, P. and Lucas, C. 1967. Occupational costume in England. London: Black
11. Arnold, J. 1988. Queen Elizabeth’s Wardrobe Unlock’d. Leeds: Maney
12. Holme, R. 1688. Academie of Armourie. s.l.:s.n.
13. Minsheu, J. 1617. The guide into tongues.
14. Phillips, E. And Kersey, J. 1706. New World of Words. London: Phillips
15. Buck, A. 1996. Clothes and the child. Bedford: Ruth Bean

Tuesday, 28 July 2015

The power of gold – Costume Society Conference 2015



At the beginning of the month I went to London and the Victoria and Albert Museum for the 50th anniversary conference of the Costume Society. Being the 50th the theme was gold, and many of the papers returned to the subject of gold jewellery. There were a large number of good papers; those papers mentioned below are just those that covered, in whole or in part, the early modern period. These are my recollections of what was said.

Romy Cockx -Exhibiting the power of gold in Antwerp
This paper was on the new museum soon to be opened in Antwerp amalgamating the collections of the Zilvermuseum and the Diamantmuseum. Antwerp was a centre from trade with the east by 1501. Romy spoke of the early cuts of diamonds, and the move from the table cut of the 16th century with the rose cut appearing by 1615. The flat rose cut was associated with Antwerp and the full rose cut with Amsterdam. The brilliant cut did not appear until later.

Natasha Awais-Dean – Glittering garments and precious pieces
Men and jewellery in Tudor and Jacobean England was the subject of Natasha’s PhD thesis, and her book on the subject is due to be published by the British Museum Press in 2016. Natasha looked not only at what was worn by the rich, but also at the few items that survive that might have been worn by those lower down the social scale, for example a gilded copper-bronze ring listed on the PAS database. She also looked at the wearing of gold chains as a way of carrying your money around with you. She used as an example gold chains found around the neck of a victim of the Spanish1622 Atocha sinking, the weight of the chains is exactly equivalent to a certain number of Spanish gold coins of the period. The question of the use of gold buttons was also examined, as she pointed out gold buttons in the Earl of Pembroke inventory are listed separately from the clothing, being listed with the jewellery, which may indicate that they could be sewn onto different clothes as required. Finally Natascha talked about hat ornaments, stating that some were made in England and some were cast in one piece, they had four loops at the edge for attaching to the hat. She said that the later aigrette styles go with the fashion for taller hats, I don't think she showed this one, which is in the British Museum.

Geoffrey Munn in conversation with Deirdre Murphy
Geoffrey Munn in conversation with Deirdre Murphy
Geoffrey Munn is the jewellery expert for the television series Antiques Roadshow and he started his conversation with Deirdre with an explanation of the meanings of the jewellery worn by Elizabeth I in the Armada portrait, the version he used was that in the National Portrait Gallery. He focused on the pearls as purity and the bow as virginity. He then went on to cross the centuries looking at later jewellery, and spoke about jewellery he owned which he had brought with him, which we were allowed to look at afterward. 

Maria Hayward – From Whitehall to Wolf Hall: gold in Henry VIII’s wardrobe
Unfortunately I wasn’t able to stay for this paper, so I am hoping that Maria will have it published somewhere.

Monday, 22 June 2015

The future "Patterns of Fashion"



I have my copy of Costume, vol 49, no.2, it arrived in the post this week and there is an article by Jenny Tiramani on the next volumes of Patterns of Fashion that they are planning. 

First, which I was aware of, will be on stays, hoops and rumps 1600-1795. This volume, which will be Pattens of Fashion 5 will include the 1660 silver tissue outfit in the Fashion Museum at Bath. There will be x-rays of the type that Jenny has used in the two volumes of Seventeenth Century Women’s Dress Patterns that have been published by the Victoria and Albert Museum.

Patterns of Fashion 6 will cover men’s and women’s clothes c1620 to 1700, however I get the impression from Jenny’s writing that the bulk of the patterns in no. 6 will be menswear, and will include several from the Livrustkammaren, Stockholm. All those who own or are aware of Lena Rangstrom’s book Modelejon manligt mode : Lions of fashion, male fashion in  the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries, will look forward to having patterns from some of these exquisite items. 

Jenny mentions that there are around 250 patterns taken by Janet Arnold in her archive, which resides with the School of Historical Dress, and states that there are plans for at least a further Patterns of Fashion 7, on women 1700-1820, and Patterns of Fashion 8, on men 1700-1820. There are also patterns for future volumes to cover more recent periods. We all owe Jenny Tiramani, Santina Levey and all those involved in the School of Historical Dress and great debt for carrying on Janet’s work.

Friday, 29 May 2015

Baskets - the early modern carrier bag


Louise Moillon - Scène de marché avec pickpocket

The 17th century equivalent of the modern carrier bag was the shopping basket in rush or wicker, in fact baskets have been described as “One of the most important containers in the early modern period both for storage and carriage”. (British History Online, 2015)

The OED describes a basket as being “A vessel of wickerwork, made of plaited osiers, cane, rushes, bast, or other materials.” Bast is flax, hemp, jute and similar plant fibres. Osiers or withies are specifically flexible willow twigs or branches. Basket making was a fairly well represented craft, there were eight basket makers listed in the 1608 muster list for Gloucestershire. (Tawney, 1934)

England did not produce a collection of genre paintings in the way that many European countries did so we have little in the way of visual evidence for what was used. Most people will be aware of the 1640 Hollar engraving from the Ornatus Muliebris of the maid with her rush basket, others will be aware of the various Cries of London series, showing women with baskets on their heads. Here we have baskets for two different functions; the first is for putting your shopping in, the other is for taking goods to market, or from one place to another, the equivalent of the old costermonger basket. 

The costermonger style appears in many European Cries as well as the London ones. Possibly the oldest of the “Cries” are these Parisian ones in the Bibliotheque Nationale, which as the text says are gendered, in that the women are more often shown carrying goods in a basket or pot on their head, while the men are more often shown carrying goods on their backs. For a quick history of Cries have a look at Shesgreen (2013)

Oyster seller
There are several series of Cryes of London and, as Shesgreen has said, each “is a synthesis of its precursors.” (1990) An early 17th century series sold by Richard Newton includes 12 women in the set, half hold things in their hands with no carrier, 4 have baskets over their arms (see the oyster seller left) and 2 carry baskets on their heads. The Manner of Crying Things in London, sold by Peter Stent, shows no baskets over the arm, though one is held under the arm, and one of the four women with a basket on her head has a basket with a central handle implying it could be carried over the arm. Stent opened his shop in 1642 and died in 1665, the Stent collection of prints was sold to Overton by his widow. (Globe, 2008) (Clayton, 2008) In contrast to the Stent Cries the c.1667 Common Cryes of London, printed by John Overton, shows  eighteen women, 8 carry baskets on their heads, 9 carry baskets, or something similar, over their arms, and one carries goods loose. A late set of cries by Marcellus Laroon are the most naturalistic. These were published in 1687; six of the women in the series carry baskets over their arms. In all these cases it is as well to remember that they are not women shopping, they are women selling; however they show the types of baskets available to the housewife, especially in the case of Laroon's basket seller, who not only has a load of different table baskets on her head, but also carries some straw hats, see below.

So that is what market criers and traders are using, but what about the “housewife” doing her shopping. Hollar’s Theatrum Mulierum and Aula Veneris would appear to indicate that carrying a basket is widespread in Western Europe across a range of social levels, from the merchant’s wife in Holland, the woman of Antwerp, the country woman in France to the servant maid in Cologne, not to forget the English kitchen maid from his Ornatus. There are two paintings by the French artist Louise Moillon which show a range of baskets, top right you see her Scène de marché avec pickpocket dating from the 1630s, the purchaser has a lidded wicker basket over her arm, while the seller has a range of baskets containing vegetables and fruits. Have a look also at her La marchande de fruits et de légumes

British History Online, 2015. Dictionary of Traded Goods and Commodities, 1550-1820. [Online]
Available at: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/traded-goods-dictionary/1550-1820/bashron-basting-ladle#h2-0006

[Accessed 19 May 2015].
Clayton, T., 2008. Overton family (per. c.1665–c.1765)’, In: Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford. [Online]
Available at: http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/64998

[Accessed 21 May 2015].
Globe, A., 2008. Stent, Peter (b. in or before 1613, d. 1665). In: Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. [Online]
Available at: http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/50897

[Accessed 21 May 2015].
Shesgreen, S., 1990. The criers and hawkers of London, engravings and drawings by Marcellus Laroon. Aldershot: Scholar Press.
Shesgreen, S., 2013. Cries of London from the Renaissance to the seventeenth century. In: R. Harms, J. Raymond & J. Salman, eds. Not Dead Things: The Dissemination of Popular Print in England and Wales, Italy, and the Low Countries 1500-1820. Leiden: Brill, pp. 117-152.
Tawney, R. H., 1934. An occupational census of the seventeenth century. Economic History Review, 5(1), pp. 25-64.








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