Frieze cloth and what it was used for

 Frieze was a plain weave wool cloth that had been friezed, that is a nap had been raised. Whether the nap was on one side or both is a question. The OED says that it was usually napped on one side only, but a 1683 reference has, “having a Nap on both sides like Freez.” (1 p. 43) Frieze appears in England in the fourteenth century when a statute of 1376  states that, "That no subsidy nor aulnage duty should be paid on cloths called frize-ware.” (2) Early in the the fifteenth century “a gowne of grene frese,” was left in a will. (3 p. 37)

Woodcut from The Country-man's Care and the Citizen's Fear, 1641. 

 From Charles Hindley, The old book collector's miscellany, Vol. 3.

London Reeves and Turner, 1873.

Frieze was sometimes referred to as a coarse cloth, indicating that it was for lower status people. In the early sixteenth century there is a reference to “ffrysed rosat” [friezed russet] gowns being provided to those living in an almshouse. (4 p. 112) When Mary Tudor, Queen Dowager of France and sister of Henry VIII, married Henry Brandon in 1515 he supposedly wrote, “Cloth of gold, do not despise, Though thou be match'd with cloth of frize; Cloth of frize, be not too bold, Though thou be match'd with cloth of gold.”

There were however better qualities of frieze. Thomas Fuller wrote in 1662 that there was “none warmer to be worn in winter, and the finest sort thereof very fashionable and gentile.” (5) Even Henry, Prince of Wales had a suit of frieze. (6) Spenser in the Faerie Queene had “Winter cloathed all in frize.” The nap could wear off in use, so that the fabric became much thinner, resulting in, “an old Freeze Jerkin in Summer your Sonday-suit.” (7)

The clothes

Gowns, as already mentioned, could be provided for the poor in almshouses, but they also appear higher up the social scale. When Susan Mason died in 1624 she willed to her daughter, a “ black frieze gown.” (8 p. 422) It was also used by women for petticoats. In 1623 Margaret Symonds left a “frieze petticoat with gold lace.” (8 p. 301)

Coats of frieze appear frequently throughout the century from the shoemaker Edward Harwood in 1606 to the yeoman John Dale in 1686 (9 p. 188) (10 p. 165) Many frieze coats are purchased for servants and footmen. In 1609 the Shuttleworths purchased “foure yards of frize for Dembie's coat 5s 8d.” (11 p. 184) Frieze coats were also purchased by members of the nobility, both for themselves and their servants, the accounts of the Earl of Bath show in 1640 “for frieze coats for footmen £1 17s 6d” and in 1647 “4 yards of frieze for a coat for my Lord £1 10s.” (12 p. 178 & 265)

Frieze was used for jerkins, although jerkins almost disappear after 1650. When in 1620 a young John Hughes was sent from Banbury to enter an apprenticeship in London, among the clothes he was provided with was a frieze jerkin costing 2s 8d. (9 pp. 213-4)

Frieze suits of apparel appear in the records, they may be either a doublet and breeches, or a coat and breeches depending on the date. In 1643 Edward Edens leaves “two frize suits of wearing apparrell and my riding coate.” (13 p. 150) Gregory Thorndale in 1671, who is given as a gentleman and is part of the Chapel Royal at Windsor, also leaves a frieze suit which may be doublet and breeches as he also leaves cloaks. (14 p. 96)

The hosier Michael Threlkelle in 1623 had in stock 24 pair of Irish frieze hose, these are cloth stockings. (15 p. 37) He has a further 144 pairs of Irish hose that do not specify the fabric, they are listed as white, white & grey, or coloured. It is interesting that many, including Francis Higginson, recommended Irish stockings to settlers heading to North America. (16)

Colours

Colours mentioned are grey, especially for coats, also white, black, green and blue. The blue was for a cassock; “a cassock of blue fryse per bill 18s 6d.” (17 p. 121)

Prices

Because frieze came in a range of qualities it also came in a range of prices. An analysis of prices across probate accounts showed that from 1570 to 1610 they ranged from 7d to 5s 8d a yard, and from 1610 to 1660 the range was 2s to 7s a yard. (18)  The different prices can be seen in the Shuttleworth accounts. In 1604 two yards of frieze was purchased at 1s 1d a yard to make a jerkin for “the boy”, in 1617 three yards of indigo frieze cost 3s 8d a yard, in 1621 five yards of broad frieze was 2s 2d a yard, and in the same year three yards of frieze at 3s a yard was for “a jerkine for my maister” (11)

References

1. Milbourn, Thomas and Hussey, Christopher . Britanniæ Speculum, Or, A Short View of the Ancient and Modern State of Great Britain. London : Thomas Milbourn, 1683.

2. Acts, Statutes, etc. Edward III, 50, c.8. Certain cloths whereof no subsidy or aulnage shall be paid. 1376.

3. Furnivall, F. J. Fifty earliest English wills in the Court of Probate, London : A. D. 1387-1439 . London : Early English Texts Society, 1882.

4. Tymms, S. ed. Wills and inventories from the registers of the Commissary of Bury St Edmunds and the Archdeacon of Sudbury. London : Camden Society, 1850.

5. Fuller, Thomas. The history of the worthies of England . London : J.G.W.L. and W.G. for Thomas Williams, 1662.

6. Bray, W. Extract from the Wardrobe Account of Prince Henry, eldest son of King James I. Archaeologia. 1794, Vol. 11, pp. 88-96.

7. ben-Arod, Gad. The wandering-Jew, telling fortunes to English-men. London : john Raworth, for Nathaniel Butter,, 1640.

8. Allen, M. E. ed. Wills in the Archdeaconry of Suffolk 1620-1624. Woodbridge : Suffolk Records Society, 1988.

9. Brinkworth E.R.C. and Gibson, J.S.W. eds. Banbury wills and inventories. Pt.1, 1591-1620. Banbury Historical Society. 1985, Vol. 13.

10. Williams, Lorelei and Thomson, Sally. Marlborough Probate Inventories 1591-1775. Chippenham : Wiltshire Record Society, 2007.

11. Harland, John (ed.). The House and Farm Accounts of the Shuttleworths ...1582-1621, Part 1. Lancaster : Chetham Society, 1856.

12. Gray, Todd. Devon Household Accounts 1627-59. Part 2 . Exeter : Devon and Cornwall Record Society, new series, vol. 39, 1996.

13. Brinkworth E.R.C. and Gibson, J.S.W. eds. Banbury wills and inventories. Pt.2, 1621-1650. Banbury Historical Society. 1976, Vol. 14.

14. Reed, M. Buckinghamshire probate inventories 1661-1714. Buckinghamshire Record Society. 1988, Vol. 24, 258-9.

15. George, E. and S. eds. Bristol probate inventories, Part 1: 1542-1650. Bristol Records Society publication. 2002, Vol. 54.

16. Higginson, Francis. New-Englands Plantation. London : T.C. and R.C. for Michael Sparke, 1630.

17. Ornsby, G. ed. Selections from the Household Books of the Lord William Howard of Naworth Castle. Publications of the Surtees Society. 1878, Vol. 68.

18. Spufford, Margaret. Fabric for seventeenth century children and adolescents' clothes. Textile History. 2003, Vol. 34.

The decline and fall of frieze and russet?

Frieze and russet appear to be two of the main fabrics for the outer clothing of the generality of lower classes in the sixteenth century. Peachey’s (2014) table of wool fabrics covering the period 1558-1660 shows frieze as 37% and russet as 38% of the fabrics used. This would seem to indicate 75% of clothing for the lower classes was frieze or russet. Peachey’s figures are obtained mainly from wills and probate inventories and are for fabrics used for the outer layer of a garment, for those he describes as common civilians. One problem with his figures is that they cover an entire century and he does not show how this usage changed over time.

What were these two fabrics?

Re-enactors, and I’m one so I can be rude, often want things nailed down. Garment x was made with fabric y, and fabric y was made to the following rules and cost z. Unfortunately it doesn’t work like that, firstly because it is very, very rare to find a piece of fabric with a contemporary label attached saying I am a piece of Devonshire dozen or Manchester cotton, then because fabric terminology changes over time, and also because the same word can be used to describe quite different fabrics.

Frieze

Mikhaila and Malcolm-Davies (2006) describe frieze as, “very thick, heavy, plain weave, well-fulled cloth, with raised hairy surface on one or both sides. Made from cheaper fleeces, unfit for finer cloth.” Fuller (1660) speaks of it as a coarse kind of cloth manufactured in Wales, "than which none warmer to be worn in winter, and the finest sort thereof very fashionable and gentile. Prince Henry (1594-1612) had a friese sute out of it.” 

Frieze is sometimes regulated by law. An Act of 1551, speaking like Fuller of Welsh friezes, gives them as being a minimum of 30 yards long, three quarters (27 inches) wide and “being so fullie wrought shalle waye ev'ye” (love the spelling of heavy). A whole piece, that is the 30 yards, to weigh 48 pounds at the least. 

However not all frieze was the same. Spufford (2003) examining the prices of fabrics has a table showing the price of frieze ranged from 7d to 5s 8d a yard in the period 1560-1610, and 2s to 6s in the period 1610-1660. She has no examples of frieze in her table for the period after 1660. 

Russet

Mikhaila and Malcolm-Davies (2006) describe russet as “a coarse narrow wool, undyed and unfinished; broad russet, better quality, might be dyed; London russet as wide and costly as broadcloth.” Both Delaney in hisThomas of Reading from 1612, and Hall in his Satires of 1598 describe russet as the wear of country folk. 

Spufford (2003) shows that russet, like frieze and other fabrics, could vary enormously in price for “a yard of [any] fabric with the same name at the same date throughout our period (1560-1705).” Russet varies from 5d to 4s 5d a yard in 1560-1610, and 1s 6d to 3s 10d in 1610-1660. Like frieze she has no examples of russet after 1660.

Part of the problem with describing russet is that the term was being used not only for a fabric, but also for a colour from before the beginning of the sixteenth century. The colour russet is described in 1573 as, “If you will mingle a litle portion of white with a good quantitie of redde, you may make thereof a Russet, or a sadde Browne, at your discretion.” 

Probate accounts

As pointed out above Spufford’s (2003) paper shows no frieze or russet, in the accounts she examined, after 1660. Spufford was looking at probate accounts, these were produced by the administrator or the executor of a will, often the widow. When there was a child orphaned the accounts can show, among other things, the provision of clothes for the orphaned child/ren until they were, apprenticed or 21 in the case of boys, and married or 18 in the case of girls. These are often more detailed in the final year when the accounts are being wound up.  Spufford analysed 820 accounts from which she extracted 8,974 garments. These accounts are not from the very rich, they reflect, she says “the lives and clothes of labourers, husbandmen and yeomen below the gentry level.”

Cloth

Cloth is a very general term usually referring to a fabric made of wool. In the probate accounts it is the most used fabric for making doublets, jerkins, waistcoats and breeches for boys, and waistcoats and petticoats for girls. However it is also listed as providing a large number of the shirts and smocks, which might indicate that it may be being used just as a general term for any type of fabric, wool or linen. Spufford refers to it as “the ambiguous and universal” cloth, and it is interesting that in his list Peachey does not mention it at all, maybe because of its ambiguity.

The changing use of cloth types

As well as dividing what was provided by garment and gender, Spufford also split her results by 40-45 year time periods; 1560-1610, 1610-1660 and 1660-1705, this enables us to infer that perhaps certain fabrics were declining in use, while others were rising. The declining fabrics would appear to be russets, friezes and cottons: 90% of russets, 82% of cottons (wool) and 76% of friezes are pre 1610. Other declining fabrics that appear pre 1660, but rarely post 1660, are fustians and canvas: 64% of fustians are pre 1610 with 36% in the 1610-1660 period and none post 1660; with canvas this is 74% pre 1610, 24% 1610-1660 and only 2% post 1660. Other fabrics go along in a more or less steady state, like cloth, stuff and kersey, and among the linens, lockeram. 

Remember that these are clothes provided for young adults and children, by comparison the garments appearing in wills belong to older people. It would be interesting to compare an analysis of the fabric of garments in both early and late seventeenth century wills and probate inventories, with those in the probate accounts. We could then see whether this would show the same change in fabric use, but perhaps coming through later. Certainly John Dale, a yeoman, still had one gray frieze coat in his 1682 probate inventory, to go with his serge, cloth, and two worsted camlet coats. (Williams and Thompson, 2007)

Social status and the fabric used

The obvious thing to say is that the poorer, coarser cloths are worn by the poorer classes, and yet there is this enormous difference in price for fabrics of the same name. While friezes have been identified as being worn by the poor, they are also, as shown by John Dale and Prince Henry, being worn by the middle and upper classes.

Spufford’s (2003) analysis appears to bear this out. She points out that the heavyweight and cheap canvas appears across all her income groupings for doublets, though the owners of canvas breeches are predominantly in the poorest group. On the other hand four of her poorest boys had doublets of the supposedly expensive broadcloth. With the girls more of the poorest were wearing russet waistcoats and petticoats, whereas none of the richest group did so. The richest group’s waistcoats and petticoats were mainly of cloth, kersey, mockado [a fake velvet style of cloth] or fustian.

How much was spent

In Gregory King’s 1688 calculations, variation in the amounts spent by families on their clothing range from, ‘almost £3’ a year for  the lowest income groups to, ‘about £1000’ for those with the highest of incomes. (Spufford 2000)   If you think this is any different from today consider that you can buy a pair of cheap jeans for £5 in a supermarket, while an “off the peg” top of the range pair of Gucci jeans cost over £2000. 

Spufford (2003) produced a table showing how the cost of a basic wardrobe changed over the period. For a boy the wardrobe she uses consists of a shirt, jerkin/doublet, breeches, coat, stockings, shoes and a hat, the median for 1610-1660 was £1 3s 3d. For girls her wardrobe is a smock, waistcoat, petticoat, stockings, shoes and headwear (she did not include a gown although she had records for 137 of them, as most were in her top income group); for 1610-1660 the cost of this wardrobe was 14s 9d. She did not unfortunately do a cost by time period analysis of the gowns.

Bibliography

Anon. 1573. A very proper treatise, wherein is briefly sett for thethe art of limming, 1573. The 1596 edition is available at https://archive.org/details/verypropertreati00impr

Fuller. T. 1660 The history of the worthies of England, Volume 3. London:Tegg, 1840 edition.

Mikhaila, N. and Malcolm-Davies, J. 2006. The Tudor tailor. London: Batsford.

Peachey, S. (ed.) 2014. Clothes of the common people in Elizabethan and early Stuart England. 1558-1660: the user’s manual. Bristol: Stuart Press.

Spufford, M. 2000. The cost of apparel in seventeenth-century England, and the accuracy of Gregory King.  Economic history review, 53 (4) 677-705

Spufford, M. 2003. Fabric for seventeenth-century children and adolescents’ clothes. Textile History, 34 (1), 47–63

Williams, L. and Thompson, S. eds. 2007. Marlborough probate inventories 1591-1775. Wiltshire Record Society, vol 59, 165-6

Kersey and the Colours of Kersey

Woollen yarn dyed with woad.

What are kersies

Kersey is a twill woven wool fabric. Kerridge (1985) describes them in his book as “warp back cloths woven in twill order,” it is more complex than that, and I would go to Kerridge for a technical description if you are interested.

Kersey comes in several types, the 1552 Act divides them into ordinary, sorting, Devonshire (called dozens), and check kersies. Despite the name, Kersey is a town in Suffolk, kersies were made in various places. The Devonshire dozens were one type, and another statue refers to kersies made in York and Lancashire, but a large number were also made around Newbury in Berkshire by, among other people, John Winchcombe (c1487-1557) who was the Jack of Newbury of Thomas Deloney’s work. (1912) David Peacock’s PhD thesis on the Winchcombe family is available via Ethos. (Peacock, 2003)

One (standard) broadcloth was reckoned to be equal to three kerseys, this is less a matter of quality than of size. Throughout the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries both broadcloth and kersey were regulated by a series of Statutes. The Statute of 1465 set broadcloth as 2 yards wide and 24 yards long, while kersey was a yard and a nail (a nail is one sixteenth of a yard -2¼ inches) by 18 yards. However by the beginning of the seventeenth century some kerseys had shrunk to 1 yard by 16 yards, so three kerseys were 48 square yards of cloth, the same size as one broadcloth. That is for a standard broadcloth, long broadcloths were 28 to 31 yards in length. (Oldland, 2014)

How common is kersey

It is difficult to ascertain how common kersies were. They first appear in the mid 13^th century, and by the 18^th century Defoe wrote of Yorkshire kersey that one dealer traded for “£60,000 a year in kerseys only, to Holland and Hamburg.” (Defoe, 1748) In export terms in the first half of the sixteenth century, before the effects of the start of the Eighty Years’ War and the expansion of the new draperies, broadcloth and kersey appear to have formed 90% to 95% of cloth exports, with kersey being between 20% and 30% of this. (Hentschell, 2008)

Having said that they are produced in such amounts, they don’t appear very often in probate inventories, but as Margaret Spufford (1984) said of probate inventories, they conceal “quicksands of very considerable magnitude.” It may be that people compiling the inventories could not tell the difference between broadcloth and kersey once the fabric had been cut up and made into garments, but beyond that garments are rarely mentioned in inventories. An analysis of some Oxfordshire inventories, which are fairly typical, shows that 85% either don’t mention clothes at all or just say wearing apparel without specifying. Of the 15% that do list clothes, only one third mention a fabric.

References to kersies in common literature often refer to kersey being used for hose, and hose is a very movable term in the sixteenth century. In the OED we have from 1543–4, “For iij quarters of yallow carssey for hose”, from 1596, “Blacke karsie stockings” and from 1607, “The Stockings that his clownish Legges did fit, Were Kersie to the calfe, and t'other knit.” It was William Harrison (1577) in his famous Description of England who declared of the Englishman that “ Neither was it merriere with England than when he was knowne abroad by his own clothes, and contented himself at home with his fine carsie hosen.”

The colours of kersey

This section is based mostly on an article by David Peacock (2006) which examined Gresham’s Day Book for 1546-1552, this listed goods ordered for export to Antwerp. Kersies produced by Thomas Dolman of Newbury shows that the bulk of the cloths ordered between 1547 and 1550 were blue (20.6%), watchet, a light blue (46.8%) and azure 17.6%, so that in total 85% were in shades of blue. The picture above is one I have had for at least six years, but unfortunately I have no idea where it came from, it shows the range of blues that can be gained by dying with woad. The other 15% of colours include 13% red and 2% green. Thomas Dolman’s 1575 will shows him owing “one other howse in Cheapstreate...beinge a Dyhowse and also six oadefattes (woad vats) two flotefattes, one furnace of copper and another of brass.” The only producer in the Day Book going beyond these colours is William Bennett, who between 1548 and 1550 produced 1,647 kersies for Gresham, however the breakdown is very similar, 35% watchet, 24% blue, 3.6% plunked (a sort of grey-blue), and 2.4% azure. Beyond the blues we have 7% red, 3% green, and a tiny amount (3 kersies) in violet.

If we compare this colour range with that obtained from analysis of English wills, we get a very different grouping. This may well be because these are cloths for export, because they are specifically kersey, and because this does not include the large numbers of cloths which weren’t dyed and are described as sheep colour or white. There is also the problem of black, natural or dyed, which appears to be one of the most popular colours listed in wills. Research on Essex wills reveals the main colours to be black, white, blue or red, with blue being mentioned mainly for men’s coats, breeches and stockings, while red appears to have been used mainly for women’s petticoats. (Mikhaila and Malcolm-Davies, 2006) Peachey (2014) makes the same association of red with women’s petticoats and blue with men’s coats.

References

Defoe, D., 1748. A Tour Through the Whole Island of Great Britain. 4th ed. London: Birt.

Deloney, T., 1912. The works of Thomas Deloney; edited by Francis Oscar Mann.. [Online]
Available at: http://archive.org/stream/workseditedfrome00delouoft/workseditedfrome00delouoft_djvu.txt

Harrison, W., 1577. Description of England. s.l.:s.n.

Hentschell, R., 2008. Culture of Cloth in Early Modern England: Textual Constructions of a National Identity. London: Ashgate.

Kerridge, E., 1985. Textile manufactures in early modern England. Manchester: Manchester University Press..

Mikhaila, N. and Malcolm-Davies, J., 2006. The Tudor tailor. London: Batsford.

Oldland, J., 2014. Wool and cloth production in late medieval and early Tudor England. Economic History Review, 67 (1), pp. 25-47.

Peachey, S., 2014. Clothes of the common people in Elizabethan and early Stuart England. Bristol: Stuart Press.

Peacock, D., 2003. The Wincombe family and the woollen industry in sixteenth century Newbury. PhD thesis. [Online]
Available at: http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.402908
[Accessed 12 Dec 2014].

Peacock, D., 2006. Dyeing Winchcombe kersies and other kersey cloth in sixteenth century Newbury. Textile History, 37(2), pp. 187-202.

Spufford, M., 1984. The great reclothing of rural England: petty chapmen and their wares in the seventeenth century. London: Hambledon Press.