Friday, 21 February 2014

Raffaella - a 16th century advice book




Lucrezia Panciatichi, by Bronzino. c.1540
Alessandro Piccolomini (1508-1578) first published his “Il dialogo della bella creanza delle donne” in 1541, it was reprinted in 1558 and 1574. The work, as seen from the title, is in the form of a dialogue between two women, Raffaella and Margaret.  The dialogue forms one of the many “conduct” books that were published in the sixteenth century, these aimed to instruct people in good conduct, manners, morals, etc., they often included information on the roles and duties of men and women. While many Italian conduct books were translated into English during the 16th century, Castiglione (1), Della Casa (2) and Guazzo (3) for example, Raffaella was not. The work was finally translated into English as the “Raffaella of Master Alexander Piccolomini, or rather, A dialogue of the fair perfectioning of ladies”, by the eminent costume historian John Nevison in 1968. (4)

 Raffaela includes a considerable amount of advice on how to dress, a few example of which I give below. There is also information on the use of cosmetics together with some recipes for them. Some of the information is presented in anecdotal form about people the two protagonists know. For example one anecdote speaks of a lady who, in order to imitate a lady thought better than her, tied her garters above the knee before going to church, but found them too tight and so loosened them. Unsurprisingly one fell off when she left, and Raffaella comments that it “was a band that stank so mightily of piss that I think it had more than once fallen off her pillow into the chamber pot.”

If you can get hold of a copy it is full of information on the dress of women in Siena in the mid sixteenth century.

Extracts:

“I would that a young lady every few days should change her dress and never lay aside a fashion which is good, and if her judgement suffices her to find out fashions new and fair, it would be most suitable for her often to put forward some one of them; but should her judgement not suffice, she should cleave to those of other ladies which are better thought of.”

“I say then the richness of dress lies for the great part in the seeking out with care that the stuffs, the cloths; the serges or other tissues should be of the finest and best that may be found; because the dressing in thick cloths as, to give an instance, Mistress Lorenza does, who for her fashion has made for her a frock almost like a friar’s, calls for a ‘slender fashion’.”

“I would that garments furthermore were ample and abundant but not so far as to leave the body too incommoded. And this fullness is of great import, because there is nothing worse than when we see some of our gentlewomen, who go about Siena in little dresses of a sort which contain less than sixteen ells of cloth; and for their short capes which reach not to their tails by a span, they twist part of them round their necks and hold a flap in their hand, and so they go masked down the street, which with their other hand lifting up their dresses lest they wear out by trailing the ground, down the street they go as if possessed, with a clitter-clatter of pattens as though the Devil had got between their legs. And perhaps they lift up the dresses to show a pretty foot, with some part of the leg all tiffed up. But all they show are their broad ugly feet, ill shod with some slippers all out at seam for very age.” 

“ I would also that these garments, be they ample as I tell thee, should be full of guards, of cuts, of slashes, of broderies and other such things; some another time should be quite plain, since this variety of dressing shows great sumptuousness and much good lies therein.” 

“Now above all, richness in dressing is perceived when a lady has always clothes new made, and never wears one and the same dress I say not for many weeks but even for months together.”  [Margaret complains at this point that Raffaella’s advice is for the princess or great lady, not for those who are “poorer by far”. Raffaella’s advice is to, “do the most that is possible”.]


1.  Baldassare Castiglione. The book of the courtier, first published in Italian in 1528
2. Giovanni della Casa. Galateo: Or, The Rules of Polite Behaviour, first published in Italian in 1558
3. Stefano Guazzo. The civil conversation, first published in Italian in 1574
4. Raffaella of Master Alexander Piccolomini, or rather, A dialogue of the fair perfectioning of ladies. Glasgow: University Press, 1968.

Sunday, 2 February 2014

Georgians: Dress for Polite Society at the Fashion Museum Bath


1720s - man's coat is woollen broadcloth
The Fashion Museum has redisplayed the first section of their collection. Entitled Georgians: Dress for polite society the display runs from 25 January 2014 to 1 January 2015. The downside, for those interested in the seventeenth century and earlier, is that apart from examples from the Glovers Company collection in a different section of the museum, no early material is shown. The wonderful silver tissue dress from the 1660s and other early garments have gone back into store. Some of them had been on display for many years and are very fragile, so this is understandable.


1750s cinnamon brown gown, the silk is 1720s
                         The Georgians is a clean looking, well lit display of some 30 or so original ladies’ gowns and gentlemen’s suits dating from the 1720s to the 1820s. Someone I spoke to said that it seemed too stark. This is because the suits and gowns are displayed on headless mannequins, without any accoutrements. The only non period additions are plain white silks used to indicate where the petticoat or stomacher would have been.  On the other hand this does means that neckline and sleeve ends can be seen without being disguised by fichus, and detachable cuffs. It would have been nice to have accompanied the display with some separate cases with the missing fichus, not to mention, caps and hats, stockings and shoes, etc.

The red silk damask is c.1750
The labels are low down, but quite large print, so they can be seen without too much bending over. What surprised me were the number of examples where the silk used for a gown was twenty or thirty years older than the gown itself, so for example the cinnamon brown brocaded silk dates from the 1720s, while the style of the gown is some thirty years later.

The section ends with a case of modern designers work influence by the 18th century, including a Vivienne Westwood ball gown.

1760s court gowns
It is quite interesting to go back and see how displays have changed over the years. I purchased from the museum shop a copy of Fashion Museum Treasures (£4.50, published 2009, ISBN 978 1 857 59553 6) and compared the photographs of the 1760s court mantuas with extremely wide panniers, with the pictures I have in the c.1994 authorised guide. In the 1990s guide the mannequins have hands and heads with dressed hair, and the garment is displayed with a stomacher and fan in hand. An even earlier guide, probably from the late 1970s, has no photographs and dates from a time when entry to the museum was 30p (today it is £8).  Finally I have a very earlier guide to the Museum of Costume (it changed its name to Fashion
1820 - end of the Georgians
Museum in 2007), from the days, 1955 and just after, when it was at Eridge Castle, and examples of 19th century clothing in the collection are pictured being worn by well known ladies of the time, for example Vivien Leigh, Margot Fonteyn, and
Elisabeth Schwarzkopf, something that would not be done today.

Friday, 24 January 2014

Eighteenth century white waistcoats


Front view
The pictures shown here are of a white waistcoat in Banbury Museum which dates to 1710 to 1720. Most people thinking of eighteenth century waistcoats think of those that appear in portraits and match the coat, or of the highly embroidered variety that are often on display in museums. White waistcoats were often worn for informal wear or, especially if made of flannel and/or completely unadorned, as under waistcoats. They rarely appear in paintings, though Mr Andrews may be wearing one in Gainsborough’s Mr and Mrs Andrews of 1748-9.

Detail of embroidery

Anne Buck quotes Lord Chesterfield as writing in a letter in 1764, “I have the warmest sense of your kindness in providing my old and chilled carcase with such a quantity of flannel. I have cut my waistcoats according to my cloth, and they come half way down my thigh.” The habit continued through the century for in 1797 Parson James Woodforde recorded in his diary that at the age of fifty seven he had, “put on a flannel underwaistcoat for the first time in my life.”  (1)

The linen embroidered versions of these waistcoats survive in some numbers. Heather Toomer examines six in detail in her book. (2)
Detail of placket fastening

The example shown here in the Banbury Museum they have dated to 1710-1720. At some point it has been altered to make it larger by the addition of a strip at the side back. The front has buttons and buttonholes hidden by a placket.

Some other extant white waistcoats

1720 A sleeved waistcoat with cord quilting is in the Museum of London. It is described with a photograph by Zillah Halls (2), however it cannot be found using the museum’s online search function.

Two waistcoats, 1730-40, altered around 1750-65, and a boy’s cotton waistcoat which appears to have been cut down from a larger waistcoat are in the collection of Colonial Williamsburg, and are examined by Baumgarten. (4)

Plain rear view with insertion
c.1740 A sleeved waistcoat in the Met Museum New York. Linen embroidered with a centre panel either side of the front. This is a short waistcoat, only 26 and a half inches long, and has no pockets.

c.1740 A waistcoat in linen embroidered completely across the front, in the Met Museum, New York. The lining is pale blue silk, and the buttons are worked thread like Dorset buttons.

1744 waistcoat in the Victoria and Albert Museum http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O115879/waistcoat-unknown/  The V&A consider this may have been made for a wedding as in one corner it bears the initials PB and AB and the date 1744. The photograph on the website shows a detail of the embroidery and not the whole waistcoat, it is the image that appears in Hart and North. (4)

1760s waistcoat in the Los Angeles Museum in the Los Angeles Museum

1790s waistcoat in the Powerhouse Museum Sydney  

 Bibliography

1. Buck, Anne. Dress in eighteenth century England. London : Batsford, 1979.

2. Toomer, Heather. Embroidered with white: the 18th century fashion for Dresden lace and other whiteworked accessories. 2008. 9780954273026.

3. Halls, Zillah. Men's costume 1580-1750. London : HMSO for the London Museum, 1970.

4. Baumgarten, Linda. What clothes reveal: the language of clothing in colonial and federal America. Williamsburg : Colonial Williamburg Foundation, 2002.

5. Hart, Avril and North, Susan. Historical fashion in detail: the 17th and 18th centuries. London : Victoria and Albert Museum, 1998.

6. Cunnington, C. W and P. Handbook of English costume in the eighteenth century. Rev. . London : Faber, 1972.

Sunday, 12 January 2014

Clothing in the accounts of the Marquis of Hertford 1641-1642

William Seymour (1588-1660)

The accounts

The private purse accounts of the Marquis of Hertford from Michaelmas (29th September) 1641 to Michaelmas 1642, were published back in the 1940s (1). No analysis of the clothing items was made, apart from the comment that they constituted £210 3s 10d from a total bill of £1,167 15s 0d. Of the total amount over half, nearly £600, was disbursed in personal allowances, and a further £200 in gift and gratuities.  Teasing out the accounts shows that there were about 130 items that are clothing related and, although there are some references to the accounts in the Cunningtons’ handbook (2), no full examination has been made.

The family

William Seymour (1588 –1660), was Earl of Hertford, and was created Marquis of the same in June 1641. He was appointed governor to the Prince of Wales in August 1641, just before the accounts start. He became 2nd Duke of Somerset at the restoration. His second wife was Frances Devereux (1599 – 1674), who he married in 1617, this made him Essex’s brother-in-law, although they were on opposite sides in the Civil War.  He took the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York to join their father at York in the April of 1642, and appears to have had his son Robert with him, as Robert is given in the accounts five pounds “for his private occasions when he went to Yorke.”

The family was closely related to both the Tudor and Stuart dynasties. When his son Henry was sent to the Tower of London in April 1651 for his involvement in the western association, William remarked that the Tower was “a place entailed upon our famylie, for wee have now helde it five generations.” William had been held in the Tower himself after his marriage to his first wife, Arabella Stuart, a first cousin to King James. William’s father, Edward Seymour (1561–1612) had been born in the Tower when William’s grandfather, also Edward Seymour (1539?–1621), had married the Queen Elizabeth’s cousin Katherine Grey. His father, another Edward Seymour, 1st Duke of Somerset (c.1500–1552), had been executed on Tower Hill. (3)

Van Dyck 1637 - Five children of Charles I
The household consisted of William and Frances and their seven children. Two of the children are actually young adults and three are teenagers, so only two are really children. They are referred to throughout collectively as the young lords and the young ladies, and individually by name. Their ages, garnered from a selection of sources and not necessarily correct as there is a lot uncertainty about birth years (4) , should have been much as follows: Lady Frances – 22, Lord William -20 (he died sometime during the year), Lord Robert -19 (he succeeded to his brother’s title of Lord Beauchamp), Lord Henry – 15, Lady Mary – 13, Lord John – 8, and Lady Jane – 4. (4) The famous painting by Van Dyck of King Charles I's five children was painted in 1637, and the two eldest, Prince Charles, aged 7 and Princess Mary, aged 5, correspond with the sort of thing Lord John and Lady Jane would have been wearing.

Clothing and textiles in the accounts – overview and providers

The majority of the items bought are for the children and not for their parents, though some items are marked for “my Lord”, presumably William himself. Also a considerable amount of cloth is bought without being listed for anyone in particular. It may be  that other clothes came from other accounts and this should not be taken as all the clothing for the family. Some providers are named, but not all. There are some references just to “the shoemaker”, but three shoemakers are mentioned by name: Reeves, Harris and Strangwaies. Some of the gloves and stockings are provided by the aptly named Elizabeth (Bess) Gauntlett. Frauncis Bolton and Robert Hill provide bone (bobbin) lace. Mr Gosse makes suits for Lady Francis and Lady Mary, and Clement Smith and Mr Hill (possibly the Robert Hill mentioned before) provide them both with bodies. Mr. Patie receives 17s 11d for “washing my lord's linen at Windsor”, the only indication of laundry being when Hertford was away from his own estates.

Underwear and other linens – smocks, shirts, drawers, aprons, etc.

Large quantities of holland are purchased and earmarked for underwear. The holland ranges from 5s to 12s the ell although “fine holland to make handkerchiefs” is listed at 9s 6d an ell. All the holland is listed by the ell, a measure that in England was 45 inches. (5) Lady Francis and Lady Mary receive 22½ ells of holland for smocks at 6s the ell, while the two youngest children Lord John and Lady Jean receive 14¼ ells of Holland at 5s the ell for shirts and smocks, cushion clothes and socks. More holland is bought for aprons, handkerchiefs and for “my Lord” there are 10 ells of holland to make 6 pairs of drawers, and a further 6 ells of more expensive holland to make 3 waistcoats. Pepys speaks of lying around “in my drawers and stockings and wastecoate till five of the clock.” (6) The drawers may have been like the later 17th century ones worn by the funeral effigy of Charles II. (7)

At least some of the shirts were trimmed with lace, 10 ells of bonelace at 7s the ell  is purchased for 6 half shirts for Lord Henry, and a further 3¼ yards of lace at 10s per yard is bought for shirts and boothose for Lord Robert. Again 3¼ yards of lace costing a total of 42s 3d, is purchased to make him [Lord Robert] shirts and boothose, and Lord Henry receives 4 yards of bonelace for three pair of boothose at a total cost of 28s 9d. It would appear that each boothose was 24 inches around at the top. We do not know, as it is not specified, what material the boothose was made from. A pair of surviving boothose, from the 1640s in the Victoria and Albert Museum, are actually knitted and show the extreme size the tops could reach.

Further holland, a total of 12¾ ells, is purchased for aprons for the young ladies, and another 2s 1d is spent on “tape for apron strings.” Another item of underwear is also listed for the young ladies, they received 17 yards of white flannel at 20d the yard to make under petticoats. The total cost of this is given as 33s 4d (this is wrong it should be 28s 4d.)

Handkerchiefs and neckerchiefs

Handkerchiefs may not necessarily have been handkerchiefs; they could have been worn around the neck. There is a discussion in the examination of a plain linen square now in the Victoria and Albert Museum, which quotes the Verney accounts and the possible distinction inherent in, “5 handkerchers...2 pocket handkerchers.” (8)  The 2½ ells of “fine holland to make handkerchiefs” purchased for “my Lord” may well have been handkerchiefs, and handkerchief buttons were also purchased for him. Buttoned handkerchiefs were in fashion. Lady Francis’s “tiffiny gorgett handkercher and cuffs” at 10s is however more likely to be for her neck. Tiffany is a thin, transparent silk. (9) Both Lady Francis and Lady Mary receive more: 3 yards tiffany for handkerchers at 2s 8d the yard, and 1¼ yard for cuffs at 3s 3d with 3 ounces of thread to make this work 3s.” Matched sets of this type rarely survive though they can be seen in portraits such as Rembrandt’s 1639 portrait of Maria Trip. There is a linen set dating from 1630-50 in the Victoria and Albert Museum, the lace of which Jenny Tiramani considers is English. (10) Such handkerchiefs were starched, 4 “laced round hancherchers” for Lady Francis and Lady Mary cost 8s, a further 4s was paid for starching them.

Caps and hoods, masks and chin clouts
Hollar's 1643 winter - wearing hood, mask & chin clout

More holland is bought for caps. For Lady Mary there are 2 holland caps costing 8s, and for Lady Jane 8 holland caps, “and for holland and making at 4s the piece - 32s” The young ladies also received a hood each with no material listed, but costing 2s 4d each. Lady Jane got 2 white sarcenet hoods at 3s 6d each, and Lady Francis 2 black taffeta hoods also at 3s 6d each. Wenceslaus Hollar often engraved women wearing such hoods. Their father and brothers on the other hand got caps. “My Lord” received a satin cap costing 5s and a leather cap costing 2s. Lord Beauchamp received a cap, material unspecified at 4s 6d, and a leather cap costing 2s 6d, whilst his youngest brother Lord John had 2 black satin caps at 13s. These would appear to be plain caps which tend not to survive, unlike the elaborately embroidered caps which can be found in the collections of many museums, as in this example in the Victoria and Albert Museum.  The ladies also receive masks the young ladies costing 1s 6d each, such masks were commonly worn by ladies to protect their faces from sun or weather. An example that survives is listed in the Portable Antiquities Scheme database. Chin clouts, these are cloths worn to cover the chin when out of doors, are also purchased for the sum of 5s 2d.  

Gloves

Gloves are one of the standout points of the accounts. Surviving gloves from the period tend to have elaborately embroidered gauntlets, such as those in the collection of the Worshipful Company of Glovers, but the gloves in the accounts are bought in large numbers, and may well have been plain, as worn in this painting.  There are eight orders for gloves, the largest order is for “5 dozen & 10 (that is 70) paire of gloves £2 9s 8d”, which works out at just under 8½d each. This price accords well with the gloves appearing in the 1642 inventory of William Mackerrell, a chapman, who had 99 pairs of gloves in stock worth less than £1 10s 0d. (11) There is a further order in the accounts for 43 pairs at £2 4s 0d. The larger order is for “the young ladies” and the smaller for the “young ladies and Lord John.” Two dozen are ordered for 22s, and a further five orders do not mention the quantities involved.  This means that at the very least 150 pairs of gloves were ordered over the course of a year for the seven children.  There is no indication of what material they are made from, the inclination is to say they must be leather, but knitted gloves are certainly around at this time, as in this example in the Museum of London.  Patterns taken from a pair of surviving linen gloves and a pair of surviving leather gloves show that the style and construction are very similar. (8)           


Stockings

Boothose have already been mentioned, but both linen and worsted stockings also appear in the accounts. For Lord John 4 pair of linen stockings cost 10s and 2 pair of worsted 3s 6d. A pair of linen stockings from this period survives, they are in the Victoria and Albert Museum, and have a very subtle silk decoration at the ankle and back seam. A single pair of stockings for Lord Robert cost 5s 6d. Surprisingly no stockings were bought for the young ladies, so their provision may have come from another account, or out of the monies they received personally.

       

Boots and shoes

There are eleven orders for shoes and boots, again the numbers are rarely mentioned but Lady Francis received in one order 12 pairs of shoes for 34s 8d and her sister Lady Mary 11 pairs of shoes for 25s 4d. The young lords receive boots rather than shoes, and their father is seen receiving boots on three occasions, two pair of boots for 35s, a pair of boots and a pair of shoes for 25s, and five pairs of boots for £6. Lord Harry received a pair of waxed boots for 18s 6d. With the accounts for boot hose it is to be assumed that at least some of these boots where of the “bucket top” variety, as seen here being worn by William’s brother in law, the Earl of Essex. The total may seem to be high but the LeStrange accounts for the period 1610-1625 for a slightly smaller, slightly less wealthy family show an average of 23 pairs of boots and shoes being purchased each year. (11)

Pairs of bodies

A pair of bodies is an item which later, in the eighteenth century, is referred to as stays, and in the nineteenth century as a corset. Such garments rarely survive. Janet Arnold wrote about, and took a pattern from, the 1603 pair that are on Queen Elizabeth I’s effigy in Westminster Abbey (13), and the pink silk pair in the Victoria and Albert Museum, that date from 1660-1680, are examined in North and Tiramani (10). Three pairs of bodies are purchased in the Hertford accounts. Those bought on two occasions for Lady Francis cost £3 each, one pair coming from Mr. Hill. The pair bought for her youngest sister Lady Jane, who was only four, cost 5s 6d and came from Clement Smith. Jane’s bodies were probably lighter and less boned, more like the “little fustian bodies” that Elizabeth Hatton wrote in 1670 that her children wore (14) , though Lady Anne Clifford remarks of a three year old girl that “the 28th was the first time the child put on a pair of whalebone bodies.” (15) Bodies are not bought just for the ladies, Lord Beauchamp also has a pair of bodies costing £5, though what precisely was meant by this we don’t know.

Main garments

Mr Gosse is paid for making garments for the three young ladies, in each case he is paid for providing the canvas stiffening silk, and for making. The purchase of fabric appears separately.  For Lady Francis there are two outfits, a “suit of black wrought satin”, and a “serged boys suite.” Lady Francis is obviously still growing as Mr Gosse is also paid 5s 6d  “for taby to make longer the pincke coloured petticoat and for silke.” Lady Mary also receives two suits, one of which is of wrought satin. The charges for the two older girls range from 28s 6d to 30s, while their younger sister, Lady Jane, gets two “coats” at 15s 8d each. The making of the outfits is listed immediately after the purchase of a considerable amount of fabric. The colours mentioned are black, grey, sage and scarlet, and the prices range from 5s the yard for narrow taffeta to 32s the yard for superfine black, Italian gray and ratteen (ratiné). There is serge in both sage coloured (12 yards) and scarlet “bowdye” (3⅜ yards) which was presumably used for Lady Francis’s boy’s suit. For her other outfit there is 16 yards of black wrought satin at 14s the yard. What the other fabrics, which include velvet, sarcenet, plush and taffeta, were used for we do not know.

There are only two mentions of major clothing items for the young lords. Clem Smith is paid for making a suit of Lord John. Lord Robert receives “a cordevant waiscott” that is a cordovan leather waistcoat, costing 15s. The only other clothes mentioned are not for the family. Two clerks of the spicery received 9¾ yards of black satin at 15s 6d the yard for three doublets.         

Ribbons and bonelace

Quite a lot of ribbon and bone lace is purchased without any indication what it is used for. Taffeta ribbon costs between 2d and 6d the yard, satin ribbon is 10d the yard, while gold and silver ribbon is 3s the yard. Bobbin lace is more expensive, running from 2s to 15s the yard. Some cheap edging laces were attached to a letter from Elizabeth Isham (1609-1654) to her father, these cost only between 2d and 10d a yard, but were very simple. (16)

Conclusion
Bosse 1636 Gallerie du Palais Royale
 
The sort of items bought in these accounts are typical of a rich family of the time. It gives a snapshot, but does not contain all of the clothing that would have been purchased, though it does include most of the accessories. In London such items could be purchased at the Royal Exchange, and in Paris at the Palais Royal. Bosse’s image of the Gallerie du Palais Royale gives an inkling of what was available, and many items equating to those appearing in these accounts can be seen. Time to play I –spy.




Bibliography

1. Morgan, F. C. Private purse accounts of the Marquis of Hertford, Michaelmas 1641-2. Antiquaries Journal. 1945, Vol. 25, 12-42.

2. Cunnington, C. W. and P. Handbook of English costume in the seventeenth century. 3rd ed. London : Faber, 1972.

3. Smith, David L. Seymour, William, first marquess of Hertford and second duke of Somerset (1587–1660). Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25182]. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2009.

4. Sources include the Dictionary of National Biography, and Debrett’s Peerage.

5. Oxford English Dictionary. ell. OED Online. [Online] Oxford University Press, 2014. [Cited: 06 January 2014.]

6. Pepys, S. Diary 16th June 1664. [Online] [Cited: 8th January 2014.] http://www.pepysdiary.com/diary/1664/06/16/.

7. Cunnington, C. W. and P. The history of underclothes. London : Michael Joseph, 1951.

8. North, S. and Tiramani, J eds. Seventeenth century women's dress patterns, book 1. London : Victoria and Albert Museum, 2011.

9. Oxford English Dictionary. tiffany. OED Online. [Online] 09 January 2014.

10. North, S. and Tiramani, J. eds. Seventeenth century women's dress patterns, book 2. London : Victoria and Albert Museum, 2012.

11. Spufford, M. The great reclothing of rural England: petty chapmen and their wares in the seventeenth century. London : Hambledon Press, 1984.

12. Whittle, J and Griffiths, E. Consumption and gender in the early seventeenth century household: the world of Alice Le Strange. . Oxford : O.U.P., 2012.

13. Arnold, J. The "pair of straight bodies" and "a pair of drawers" dating from 1603 which clothe the effigy of Queen Elizabeth I in Westminster Abbey. Costume. 2007, Vol. 41, 1-10.

14. Buck, A. Clothes and the child. Carlton : Ruth Bean, 1996.

15. Cunnington, P and Buck, A. Children's costume in England 1300-1900. London : Black, 1978.

16. Levey, Santina. Lace: a history. London : Victoria and Albert Museum, 1983.