Monday, 21 December 2015

The Gunnister Man Project

 From the Shetland Museums leaflet (3)

Last month I attended the Knitting History Forum conference, and one of the speakers was Dr. Carol Christiansen, Textile Curator at the Shetland Museum and Archives, she spoke on the re-construction of the Gunnister Man clothing. The project to re-construct the clothing was a joint venture involving, among others, Carol Christiansen, Martin Ciszuk, of the School of Textiles, University of Borås, Sweden, and Lena Hammarlund, craftsperson and textile researcher, from Göteborg, Sweden, and was completed in 2009. Some of this was reported at NESAT XI (1) and some at the European Textile Forum. (2)   Also the Shetland museum service has produced a leaflet, which shows the re-created clothing, complete with mends, patches, etc. (3)

A lone burial containing the body of a man, or to be more precise the clothing of a man the body having disappeared, was found at Gunnister in Shetland in 1951. As Carol said most of the report written at that time by Henshall and Maxwell (4) still stands. The body probably dates to the very end of the 17th century, early 18th century. The purse he was carrying contains three coins, one Swedish dated 1683, and two Dutch from 1681 and 1690. Gunnister Voe, itself was one of a number of extremely small ports operating at the end of the Hanseatic League period. It is about two miles distant from the burial, and it traded with Dutch, Swedish and German merchants. The site at Gunnister Voe has been excavated, but very little was found there. (5, 6)

The burial
The bulk of what survived in the burial is the woollen clothing, which is very heavily patched, so that there are 20 different fabrics represented. The non-clothing items were a wooden stick, a small wooden bucket (16.25 cm diameter by 14.5 cm high), two other small pieces of wood, a wooden knife handle, a horn spoon and another piece of horn, a quill (analysis showed that it had ink on it), and the coins.  Non fabric items of clothing were, four pieces of a leather belt with a brass buckle, and a very few fragments where rivlin type shoes would have been.

The clothing
The clothing is with the National Museums of Scotland, but was returned to Shetland for the period of the project and the exhibition that followed. They are now back with the NMS.The garments were all closely examined in order to decide what wools to use, and various wools were tested including Shetland, Herdwick and Gammelnorsk (an old Scandinavian breed). A dye analysis proved inconclusive. One conclusion was that the clothing had been obtained over a considerable period of time, and from many different places. As has already been mentioned the clothing was heavily patched and the feet on the stockings had been completely replaced.
For the reconstruction of the clothing Lena worked on the spinning and weaving of yarn and cloth. Martin worked on the cutting and sewing of the woven items, and Carol and Lena worked on reproducing the knitted items. As Carol was talking mainly about the knitted items some garments were hardly mentioned, however I have linked to the SCRAN – the National Museums of Scotland – database entries for each garment below:

The shirt
This was not mentioned by Carol in her talk. It is of wool and fastens from the waist to neck with ten buttons of wool covered in cloth. (4) All the buttons on the Gunnister clothing were wool covered with cloth.

The jacket and coat
The shorter jacket was being worn over the longer coat. The low decorative pocket slits on the coat were sewn shut, and the turn back cuffs on the coat were rolled down. Carol also mentioned that the stockings appeared to have been sewn to the bottom edge of the coat. She conjectured that these alterations may have been against the cold, and pointed out that the 1690s saw some very bad weather.

The breeches
The breeches had had pocket bags on either side, which had disappeared and therefore were probably made of linen or leather. The waist had been altered by taking in 5 inches. The breeches had a fly front, fastened with only one button at the waist.

The stockings
As mentioned before the stockings appear to have been attached to the lower edge of the coat with thick two ply wool. The stockings had been mended at the knees, but more obviously the feet had been replaced, in one case with the leg of another, finer knit, stocking. Carol said that the knitting on the main stocking legs was 2.9 to 3.2 stitches to the cm, and 4 to 5 rows to the cm. They had a decorative false seam at the back, and the calf shaping was worked every four rows.

The cap with a brim
This was the cap he was wearing. This was white and, according to Carol, the pattern in Henshall is incorrect. The cap was 56 cm in circumference and 17 cm from crown to edge. It was knitted at 3.5 stitches to the cm and 3.75 to 4.5 rows to the cm.

The cap without a brim.
This was the cap that was in a breast pocket of the coat. The shaping, which produces a sort of cross at the crown, is similar to that of a Svabald example. The cap has a boucle effect inside. Testing produced the same boucle effect when a Shetland wool was mixed with primitive Scandinavia wool, and then fulled. This cap was knitted at 3 to 3.25 stitches and 4 to 4.5 rows to the cm.

The purse

The purse is grey-brown with a pattern in white and red. It is 10cm by 13.5cm and was knitted in the round with the bottom being knit together. It has 4.5 stitches and 6 rows to the cm. There is a cast on row, then a knit row, before the 13 loops that carry the drawstring. My attempt at the Gunnister purse, done before I attended the talk, is shown right.

The gloves
The gauge given in Henshall for knitting the gloves is incorrect The gloves were knitted at 3 stitches and 4.5 rows per cm in white wool. They have a decorative design of three lines on the back of the hand. The gauntlet has a decorative design involving rows of garter stitch, stocking stitch and purl stitch. Henshall gives this as “6 rows of garter stitch, 5 of stocking stitch, 5 of garter stitch, 6 of stocking stitch, 3 purl rows separated by 2 plain rows, 8 of stocking stitch, 5 of garter stitch, with decreases along the outer side.”


1.  North European Symposium for Archaeological Textiles, 10-13 May 2011, Esslingen am Neckar, Germany. Carol’s abstract is available from;

2. Ciszuk, M and Hammarlund, L. 2013. Tracing Production Processes and Craft Culture: the reconstruction of the Gunnister Man costume. In: Ancient textiles, modern science : re-creating techniques through experiment : proceedings of the First and Second European Textile Forum 2009 and 2010;  edited by Heather Hopkins. Oxford: Oxbow

3..Shetland Museums and Archives. 2009. Gunnister Man A life reconstructed. (Watch it, because it is designed to fold into a leaflet the first bit is upside down.)

4.  Henshall, A. S. and Maxwell, S.  1952. Clothing and other articles from a late
17th-century grave at Gunnister, Shetland.  Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 1951-52, 30-42. Available from: link)

5. Queen’s University Belfast. 2010. Gunnister: excavations of a German trading site at Gunnister Voe, Shetland. Available from:

6. Gardiner, M. and Mehler, N. 2010. The Hanseatic trading site at Gunnister Voe, Shetland
Post Medieval Archaeology, 44 (2) 347-349. Available from:

Tuesday, 3 November 2015

A 1623 tailor and seven other Marlborough tailors 1592-1691

Quirijn van Brekelenkam - Tailor's workshop c.1661
This post looks particularly at the 1623 probate inventory of the tailor Ambrose Pontin of  Marlborough, in the county of Wiltshire, and at the seven other Marlborough tailors with probate inventories made between 1592 and 1691.(1) Pontin’s inventory is perhaps unusual in that it gives an idea of his equipment, and also shows the wares of an early craftsman retailer. There hasn’t been a vast amount of research done on how ordinary people purchased clothing at this time, but he may well be typical as a supplier. In market towns such as Marlborough the population, of about a thousand people, would be swollen on weekly market days, and it has been suggested that by 1660 the market places were surrounded by retail and craft shops. (2)

Relative values

Looking at the other, non farming, men of Marlborough who had inventories taken in the period 1620-1642, Pontin, with a total worth given as £90-18s-2d is near, but by no means at the top, of the range. John Cole, a 1626 tanner, was worth considerably more, £143-10s-4d, and two men worth a lot more were William Brewtie, a 1640 innholder, £279-8s-0d and Walter Jeffrys, a 1641 baker, £225-13s-0d. Pontin’s worth is similar to that of Anthony Gunther, a 1624 glover, £89-2s-6d, and John Heath, a 1637 innholder, £95-0s-7d. Below these with values of more than £50 are a barber, shoemaker, haberdasher and baker. With values between £30 and £50 are a dyer, a parchment maker, a glover and a barber. Those with values between £10 and £30 are two weavers, a cooper, a tanner, a heelmaker, mercer, butcher, carpenter, glazier, and shoemaker. Right at the bottom end,with values under £10, are a buttonmaker, baker, tailor and carpenter. This shows that tailors could run from the poorest to the richest of tradesmen. 

In the century from 1591 to 1691 there are eight Marlborough tailors listed in the inventories. Thomas Cockye 1592, Ambrose Pontin 1623, William Dawnce 1632, Robert Millington 1678, William Cornish 1685, Thomas Have 1689, John Mundy 1691 and Francis Smith 1691. Their values range from the £4-2s of Dawnce to £94-14s-6d for Millington. The total worth given is not necessarily an indication of how rich or otherwise they were, or how successful as tailors. 

Robert Millington 1678 for example, is the richest at £94-14s-6d, however £80 of this is in “debts due to the deceased.” William Cornish 1685, is another high value tailor worth £87-7s-0d, however although described as a tailor he is obviously functioning as a farmer, as he has harrows and ploughs and £31 of his worth is “corne upon the ground,” that is a crop in the fields. Francis Smith in 1691 appears to be doubling as brewer, he has his own brewhouse and cellar and owns eleven keevors (mash tubs), a furnace, boiler, 9 vessels and 3 horses for beer (in this sense it is a  horse as a frame, as in a saw-horse or a clothes horse).


Pontin is the only one who lists any cloth in stock, and he kept a considerable amount having, 104 yards of ordinary woollen cloth (£13), 357 yards of coarse woollen cloth (£26- 5s), 13 yards of fustian (13s), 40 yards of broad list (in this sense list is a strip of fabric, or a edge of cloth, or an edging fabric (OED)) (2s), and 5 yards of linen cloth (6s). The amount of coarse cloth he had would seem to indicate that he is making for the ordinary working man. He purchases his cloth in the city of Salisbury, just over 25 miles away, as he owes £6 4s for cloth bought there.

Tools of the trade and point of sale

Most tailors use chests for storage. Pontin appears to store his cloth in chests as he had “nine coffers 10s” Thomas Cockye 1592, also has, “In the shoppe 2 great chests £1 13s 4d”, even Dawnce the poorest tailor had “one chest, three coffers, one box.” Thomas Have, another poor tailor has “1 chest, 1 truncke, cofer and 4 boxes.”  From Cockye’s inventory we gather he has a shop, Francis Smith also has a shop, but we do not know what was in it, as the appraisers value only what is in the “chamber over the shop.”

From the Nuremberg House Books (4)
Pontin, in another part of his building, and unfortunately with this inventory the appraisers do not specify rooms, has a chest, a shopboard, 2 irons and 3 pairs of shears, together worth 7s. The OED has two definitions for shopboard, either or both of which might be applicable here. Firstly “A counter or table upon which a tradesman's business is transacted or upon which his goods are exposed for sale,” and secondly “A table or raised platform upon which tailors sit when sewing.” Three other tailors, Cockye, Dawne and Have, also own shopboards, while irons and shears appear in the inventories of both Cockye and Dawnce, Dawnce’s being specified as a pressing iron. 

Then Pontin has the odds and ends, not worth enough for a full listing; “girdles, laces, gartering and pinnes” worth 5s-8d. There are “silke lase and remnants of taffety” worth another 5s, another “little box, a remnant of cotton, 1 paire of stokins (stockings) and 4 yards to measure cloth” totalling 1s.  He has 11 yards of loom work, which may well be what we would call braid, and “more in little remnants of woollen cloth, 4s.” 

To get around Pontin has a horse, and with it two pack saddles and one riding saddle. The only other tailor to own as horse is William Cornish, but I think his horses, he has five, are for his farming, not his tailoring.

Ready to wear

Pontin is the only one who has sale items of clothing in stock, “20 sale dubletts, £5,” “12 pair sale breeches £3” and “6 sale jerkins 17s,” but it was not just woollen items, which these would have been. He also had “10 dozen and 10 falling sale bands” worth £3 5s., that is 130 falling bands at 6d per band. These prices are very similar to those in the 1628 inventory of the chapman John Uttinge of Great Yarmouth.(3) Uttinge had laced falling bands at 8d each, plain bands at 7d each and 27 bands for men at 3d each.  Pontin also has “2 dozen and a half of small made wear, 8s,” we don’t know what these are.

The tailors’ own clothes

For most of the tailors a simple figure is given for their wearing apparel, and often this includes other items. Millington, the richest has wearing apparel worth £2 as does Cornish, Pontin’s clothes are worth £1, while poor Dawnce has clothes worth only 1s. Have’s wearing clothes are lumped in with the money in his pocket at £2 10s. Smith’s wearing apparel is lumped together with his books and is worth £5. Mundy has wearing apparel and linen listed as worth £7, often wearing apparel relates only to the woollen clothing, and wearing linens are either not listed or are listed separately. The earliest tailor,Thomas Cockye 1592, is the only one whose apparel is listed, he has; “2 dubletes, 2 pare of hose, a cloke, a felt hatt, a pare of shooes and a jirkin £1”


1. Williams, Lorelei and Thomson, Sally. Marlborough probate inventories 1591-1775. Chippenham : Wiltshire Record Society, 2007.
2. Cox, N. and Dannehl, K. Perceptions of retailing in early modern England. Farnham : Ashgate, 2007.
3. Spufford, M. The great reclothing of rural England: petty chapmen and their wares in the seventeenth century. London : Hambledon Press, 1984.
4.  Die Hausbücher der Nürnberger Zwölfbrüderstiftungen. The illustration of a tailor in his workshop is taken from the House books of the "Twelve Brothers" an almshouse in Nuremberg, each man entering the almshouse was painted starting with its foundation in the middle ages and ending in 1806. The complete set has been digitised and is available at

Thursday, 1 October 2015

Historic Clothing Day at the Weald & Downland Museum

The gridshell building at Weald & Downland

On Sunday I attended the Weald and Downland Museum’s Historic Clothing Day held in the site’s incredible Gridshell building, see right. For those who do not know the Weald and Downland Museum, it is an open air museum with more than 40 buildings that were in danger of destruction, and which have been rebuilt on a 40 acre site. The buildings run from a 14th century flint cottage, reconstructed from archaeological evidence, to an early 20th century “tin” church. In many of these buildings the museum has costumed interpreters and volunteers, and the project that clothed these people was the subject of the last presentation of the day.

The day started with a presentation on Henry VIII’s clothing from Maria Hayward author of, among other works, Dress at the Court of King Henry VIII (2007), Rich Apparel: Clothing and the Law in Henry VIII's England (2009), and The 1547 Inventory of King Henry VIII: Volume 2: Textiles and Dress (2012). I am still coming to terms with the proposition that it is possible, to an extent, to “let out” a suit of armour when your waist grows. Although this was done for some of Henry’s armour he had many sets and they show his increase in size from a 34 inch waist as a young man to a 51 inch waist in this last years. Maria showed items other than armour associated with Henry including a hawking glove now in the Ashmolean, and clothes similar to those he would have worn, such as the splendid outfit that belonged to Maurice of Saxony. She noted that by the end of his reign he owned many pairs of glasses. 

The second presentation was from Danae Tankard on Fashionable clothing in late seventeenth century Sussex. Danae looked at the clothing choices and purchases of several middling people in Sussex including Samuel Jeake and his wife of Rye. Jeake was a merchant and a dissenter and his correspondence from London to his wife in the provinces, includes fashion comments, for example on a mantua that was to be drawn with India sprigs, presumably indicating that it was to have a pattern drawn on it for her to embroider. Another person was Edward May (1663-86), his father dying when he was young, the payments for his clothes were made by a trustee Walter Roberts, and there are letters between Roberts and a tailor John Heath. 

After a break Grace Evans, curator of the Chertsey Museum, gave a presentation on 18th and early 19th century items from the Olive Matthews bequest that are now in the museum. Grace discussed how Olive Matthews started as a collector of historical dress as young as aged twelve, using her allowance to purchase from the Caledonian Road Market before the Second World War. Grace showed some of the highlights of the collection including an embroidered man’s night cap of c1600-20, and a 1690s collar of point de neige lace. There was also an open robe of 1734-4 silk that had been remake sometime in the 1750s with the addition of two other silks. Frugal indeed.

There was long break for lunch where we could go around the buildings and see some of the demonstrations as in the photograph to the left where the process of creating linen from flax was being presented by a costumed interpreter.

After lunch Vivienne Richmond author of Clothing the poor in 19th century England, spoke on the subject. She talked about the problems of assessing evidence, she regards the painting that is used for the cover of her book as a romanticised image, and queried to what extent photographs of the ragged children of the time might have been sent up by the photographer. She spoke of the concept of Sunday best (something I remember from my own childhood), and quoted from someone reminiscing that, because they did not have Sunday best clothing, their pious mother had taken them to a church some distance from where they lived so they would not be seen attending church in ragged clothes.

The final presentation of the day came from Barbara Painter, who was the clothing consultant for, and heavily
involved in, the
Historic Clothing Project at Weald and Downland. We were treated to a catwalk display of some the garments worn by the interpreters. The garments are matched to the buildings in which they are to be worn, so the Tudor period clothing is worn in the Bayleaf Farmstead which is displayed as it would have been around 1540. Similarly the West Wittering School is presented as it would have been around 1890.

Tuesday, 15 September 2015

Hats: felts, demi-castors, castors and beavers.

Who wore hats
Livrustkammaren1647. Survival number 11 in the list 

While the questions of when and where hats were worn are not addressed here, almost everyone, male and female, wore a hat or a cap in the seventeenth century. Even boys too young to be breeched could be depicted wearing or holding a hat, as in a 1630s painting in the Colchester collection. How ubiquitous the hat was can be seen in this Hollar engraving of the execution of the earl of Strafford in 1641, the man standing on the pile of blocks who isn’t wearing a hat, has his hat in his hand. Hats were owned at all levels of society from the poorest to the richest, the value, what they were made from and the styles were what changed.

The cost of the most expensive hats was always a matter of discussion. In the same decade, the 1580s, that Philip Stubbs was complaining that Beaver hats might cost 20, 30 or 40 shillings, the petty chapman William Davies had hats in stock valued at 6d, 8d, 1 shilling, 1s. 6d and 1s 8d. (1, 2) Eighty years later in 1661 Pepys wrote that “Mr. Holden sent me a bever, which costs me £4-5s-0d., this at a time when Spufford reckoned the average price of a hat was around 2s 6d. (3, 4) Even those lower down the social scale might own more than one hat, in the 1630s Joane Furnell a widow had “two old hats” worth 5s, while John Sessions, a carpenter,  had 2 hats worth only 1s 6d. (5)
Much of the value of a hat was in the material used to make it. As Fenner commented, “Your four-shillings Dutch felt shall be converted to a three pound beaver.”(6)

According to Kerridge the art of making felt hats was brought to England by French and Walloon immigrants to Norfolk. When the first hatters guild was founded in Norwich in 1543 the comment was made that, “they have inventyd and begune the craft of hattes making within the same cyte, whiche they can now make as well and as good as ever came owte of France or Flanders or any other realm.”(7)
Generally speaking the cheapest hats were a felt made of sheep’s wool. Different types of felt were available depending on the type of sheep’s wool used and whether it was mixed with other fibres, so we have references as in Fenner above to a Dutch felt, there are references to a cordiback and a Carolina felt in Holme, the hatter Gilbert Lymberge had Spanish felts and estridge felts (8, 9). Estridge refers to an eastern European wool, described in the 1720 edition of Stow’s Survey of London as “The Estridge Wools, that is the Wools imported from the East Countries, a coarser sort, amounted not to two hundred Weight.”
A step above entirely sheep’s wool felts was French felt, which Randle Holme described as “between a Felt and a Caster.” Castors and demicastors were usually made of a mixture of fibres. This assumes that a castor hat is not the same as a beaver hat, despite castor (an animal) being another name for a beaver (animal). By the mid 17th century there is a differentiation, a 1650 quote in Howell indicates that people might try to pass off “Demicastors for Bevers”. (10) Holme describes a castor as “made of Coney [rabbit] Wool, mixt with Polony Wooll”. Polony is Polish wool. There was also a Vigone, which Blount describes as “a kind of Demicaster, or Hat, of late so called, from the fine Wool, which for the most part they are made of, borne by a kinde of sheep of Spain of that name.” (11)
Above the caster is the beaver made, not unsurprisingly of felted beaver hair. The original beaver hats, as mentioned by Chaucer, came from Russia often via Flanders, but by the end of the sixteenth century European beaver had been hunted almost to extinction. With the discovery of the Americas, Russian beaver was replaced by North American beaver. There are also different levels of quality in the beaver fur itself so imports are separated into parchment beaver (castor sec – dry beaver), or coat beaver (castor gras – greasy beaver) (12) When James I ascended the throne of England in 1603 he purchased twenty beavers hats and, possibly because the court was in mourning for Elizabeth I, seventeen of these hats were black, lined with taffeta and trimmed with black bands and feathers. (13)

Frans Hals - Rev John Livingstone (1603-72)
In the 1580s Stubbs, the original grumpy old man, made the following observations on the styles that were around. “Some times they were them sharp on the crowne, pearking up like a sphere, or shafte of a steeple, standing a quarter of a yard above the crowne of their heades; some more, some less, as please the phantasies of their mindes. Othersome be flat and broad on the crowne, like the battlements of a house. Another sort have round crowns, sometimes with one kind of bande, sometime with an other.” (1)
By the 1660s it is Samuel Butler taking on Stubbs mantle, “Sometime whear hats like pyramids, And sometimes flat like pipkin lids: With broad brims, sometimes like umbrellas. And sometimes narrow as Punchinellos.” (14)
The range of these styles is reflected in the heights of the crowns of the surviving hats listed below, which are from around 12cm (4.75 inches) (survival 9) to 36cm (14.25 inches) (survival 2) tall. A selection of styles, including some worn by foreigners (note the Muscovy merchants in the left hand corner), can be seen by using the zoom to bring up the detail in Hollar’s wonderful 1644 engraving of the Royal Exchange.
Hats were usually worn with the brim flat but they could be cocked, that is turned up to one side, so we have a 1642 quote of a “A youngster gent, With bever cock't.” (16)  This style can be seen in the c.1620 painting of Nathaniel Bacon, and in survivals 7 and 9 below.
It is John Bulwer in 1653 who speaks of the problems involved in wearing a “classic” sugar loaf hat, “Sugar loaf hats which are so mightly affected of late both by men and women, so imcommodious for use that every puff of wind deprives us of them. Requiring the employment of one hand to keep them on.” (15)

Lining, colours, re-dying and repairs
That hats could be both lined and coloured can be seen in the list of Ben Frewen a haberdasher, in 1632 he has both “a color’d fealt lyn’d in ye brimes” and “a fine colerd fealt lyn’d in the head” What colour these linings might have been we don’t know, but there is a magnificent 1663 effigy to the Somerset family in Brent Knoll church which is painted. John Somerset’s wife is shown wearing a red lined hat.   Most hats are black, there are mentions of grey and very occasionally white hats, but we don’t really know what colour the hats were dyed.
Hats, like other garments were often repaired and/or re-dyed. Joyce Jefferies in Herefordshire paid in 1644, 2s 6d for having a beaver hat dressed and a further 6d to have the brim stiffened. (17) In 1647/8 James Master paid one shilling “For new dying my hat” When they were no longer of use they might be cannibalised for other purposes, the whalers in Spitsbergen appear to have cut foot shaped pieces out of their old hats to line the insides of their shoes. (18)

A Few Survivals
Survival 1 -Victoria and Albert Museum. c.1590-1660. A hat and hat box associated with the Cotton family of Etwall Hall, Derbyshire.

Survival 2 - Victoria and Albert Museum. c.1590-1660. A hat with a very tall, 36 cm, crown.

Survival 3 -Victoria and Albert Museum. c.1590-1670. A hat with a lower crown 17cm. This is the hat that features in North, Susan and Jenny Tiramani, eds, Seventeenth-Century Women’s Dress Patterns, vol.2, London: V&A Publishing, 2012, pp.144-145.

Survival 4 -The Cromwell Museum, Huntingdon. A hat supposedly owned by Oliver Cromwell himself.

Survival 5 - Pilgrim Hall Museum, Plymouth, MA. c.1615-1640 A hat traditionally association with Mayflower passenger Constance Hopkin

Survival 6 -Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam,  the hat belonging to Ernst Casimir of Nassau-Dietz (1573-1632) He was wearing this hat at the Siege of Roermond when he was killed by a shot to the head.,1
Survivals 7 and 8 – Vasa Museum, Stockholm. These two are from the ship the Vasa which sank in 1628.

Survival 9- Skokloster Castle,Sweden.  c.1676  and associated with Nils Bielke (1644-1716) and the Battle of Lund. The edge that is cocked up has residues of thread either for fastening up or attaching decoration. There are also the remains of a black silk lining.

 Survival 10 - Livrustkammaren, Stockholm. A view from above of a hat listed in 1671 as being owned by Charles X of Sweden (1622-1660) (19)  and the same hat seen sideways on  

Survival 11 - Livrustkammaren, Stockholm. This is a prototype hat proposed in 1647 by Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie for Queen Christina's bodyguard, you can just see the wording written on the brim " Prof Hatt för Drottning Christina Hof Guarde "., There is a hatband and two loops of silk braid to hold plumes, there are also fragments of a pale grey-brown silk braid around the edge, as can be seen in this image   Here is the hat seen from underneath where you can see a leather loop.

1. Stubbes, Philip. 1583. Anatomie of Abuses
2. Spufford, Margaret. 1984. The Great Reclothing of Rural England: Petty Chapmen and Their Wares in the Seventeenth Century. London: Hambledon Press
3. Pepys, Samuel. Diary 27th June 1661
4. Spufford, Margaret. 2000. The Cost of Apparel in Seventeenth Century England and the Accuracy of Gregory King. Economic History Review, 53 (4) 677-705
5. Williams, L. and Thomson, S. 2007. Marlborough probate inventories 1591-1775. Chippenham: Wiltsire Recod Society.
6. Fenner, William. 1616. The counter’s commonwealth.
7. Kerridge, Eric. 1985. Textile Manufactures in Early Modern England. Manchester: Manchester U. P.
8. Holme, Randle, 1688. The Academy of Armory
9. Cited in Cunnington, C. W. and P.1970. Handbook of English Costume in the Sixteenth Century. London: Faber
10. Howell, James, 1908. Epistolae Ho-Elianae or The Familiar Letters of James Howell (1594?-1666).  Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
11. Blount, Thomas. 1656. Glossographia; or, A dictionary interpreting all such hard words, …as are now used in our refined English tongue. London
12. Carlos, Ann and Frank Lewis. 2008, The Economic History of the Fur Trade: 1670 to 1870. In: EH.Net Encyclopedia, edited by Robert Whaples. March 16, 2008. URL Accessed 10 September 2015
13. Ginsburg, Madeleine. 1990. The hat: trends and tradition. London: Barrons
14. Butler, Samuel. c.1663. Satire upon Our Ridiculous Imitation of the French
15. Bulwer, John. 1653. Anthropometamorphosis: Man Transform’d, or the Artificial Changeling. London.
16. More, H. 1642. Psychodoia Platonica. London
17. Quoted in Gaunt, Peter. 2014. The English Civil War: a Military History. Tauris
18. Vons-Comis, S.Y. 1987. Workman's Clothing or Burial Garments? Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century Clothing Remains from Spitsbergen. In: Norsk Polarinstitutt
Rapportserie, nr.38, p.78-87
19. Rangström, Lena. 2002.  Modelejon. Manligt mode 1500-tal 1600-tal 1700-tal. Stockholm: Livrustkammaren