Early Modern Silk Kaftans at the Topkapi Palace

The Topkapi Palace contains a wonderful collection of kaftans dating from the fifteenth and the sixteenth centuries. Below are a few of these. 

 

Above:  Kaftan belonging to Mehmed II, known as the Conqueror (1432-1481). Silk lined with fur. The silk is probably of Turkmenistan origin.

 

Above: Kaftan belonging to Mehmed (1521-43), son of Suleiman the Magnificent. Crimson silk with a silver and silk edging fabric, detail below.

 

Below: Kaftan from the second half of the sixteenth century in an Italian silk.

 

 Below a silk and cotton kaftan that belonged to Sultan Selim I (1470-1520), and below that a detail of the fastening.

 

 

Below: an "armoured" kaftan belonging to  Mehmed II, the Conqueror (1432-1481) The label says silk and iron. 

 

Below: a kaftan that belonged to one of the sons of Bayezid II (1447-1512). There was a lot of infighting in the family and many of Bayezid's eight sons were killed either by their father or one of their brothers. The silk is Italian.

 

 

Walking sticks and canes - a gentleman's fashion accesory

Walking sticks and canes

Sometime in the seventeenth century walking sticks or canes became a fashionable accessory for gentlemen. It did not replace the sword or rapier, in most of the images listed below gentlemen have both. [Figure 1, image 3 on the list] This is just going to look at sticks as a fashion accessory. Some images have not been included as the “stick” is more obviously a staff of office, for example the c.1620 portrait by Paul van Somer of Ludovick Stuart, 2nd Duke of Lennox and Duke of Richmond, where he is seen carrying the white wand of the Steward.  Another set of images not included are those where the sitter is carrying a military baton, for example Robert Walker’s 1649 portrait of Oliver Cromwell. The final group not included are those images of invalids, the very poor, and beggars, such as Rembrandt’s Beggar leaning on a stick.

Fig. 1: Savery Officer with a Walking Stick. Rijksmuseum

These accessory canes came at a range of prices. When Thomas Ledgingham, labourer, assaulted and robbed one Thomas Johnson in 1652, the long list of what was stolen included “one cane worth six pence.” His stolen cloth [wool] coat was worth three shillings, his gloves, one shilling, and two handkerchiefs one shilling. (1) The rector of Horsed Keyes in Sussex, when he bought a new cane in London in 1676 paid two shillings. (2 p. 132) In 1694 when a gentleman, Richard Stapley, purchased a new cane it cost ten shillings, but it had an “ivory studded head, and a purple and gold string to it.” (3 p. 119)

While ivory was a common head for a cane, silver was another option. Samuel Pepys in 1667 was presented with “a Japan cane, with a silver head.” (4) In 1697 Michael Acton, a Hampshire rector, left in his will, “my silver headed cane and a guinea ring,” to James Chudleigh of Basingstoke. (5) Occasionally seventeenth century canes survive, figure 2 shows a stick in the collection of the Victoria and Albert Museum.  The stick, as many were in the seventeenth century, is over a metre long. The wood may be ash or pearwood, and it is inlaid with piqué work of metal wire and mother-of-pearl.

Fig 2: Walking stick. Victoria & Albert Museum

In probate inventories canes are often listed with rapiers, reinforcing the idea from the images that they were worn at the same time. The owners were not necessarily gentlemen, though they may have aspired to be so as they usually have an estate worth over £150. In 1681 the probate of Henry Eustace, a yeoman, includes “one muskett, two gunns and two walking canes £2,” he was worth £270 6s 4d (6 p. 158) In 1683 Edward Sweeper, a brazier, owned “Two Rapiers & a Cane with a Silver heade 15s.” He was worth £178 7s 1d. (7 p. 132) Those who were gentlemen often had a much larger estate. James Sale in 1681, who is described as a gentleman, owned “two halberds, one musketoon, one birding peece, a pocket pistoll, three swords and two canes £6 13s 6d,” his estate was worth over one thousand pounds. (6 p. 165)

By the second half of the century men with canes are appearing in broadside ballads such as Mark Noble’s Frollick. [Figure 3] Note that this image shows the short-lived fashion for vertical pockets on the coat.

 

Fig 3. Mark Noble's Frollick. Bristish Library

Images of men with a cane or walking stick

1. 1629. Abraham Bosse.  Man with a Cane, seen from behind, from The Garden of French Nobility

2. 1633. Dutch School. Boy with a walking stick.

3. c.1640. Salomon Savery. Standing Officer with Walking Stick. Rijksmuseum.

4. c.1645. Gerrit Dou. Portrait of a Gentleman with a Walking Stick 

5. c.1659. John Michael Wright. George Vernon. National Trust, Sudbury Hall

6. 1660-90. Broadside Ballad - The Unconscionable Batchelors of Darby. British Library, Roxburghe

7. 1675-90. Mark Noble's Frollick. British Library, Roxburghe

8. 1682. John Michael Wright (circle of). Edward Southwell, Standing with a Cane in an Embroidered Buff Tunic, Rye Town Hall

9. 1686. Alain Manesson Mallet. Anglais in Description de l'Univers

10. 1688. Marcellus Laroon. Squire of Alsatia in the Cries of London

11. 1690-1700. Man with a Cane Dummy Board, Victoria and Albert Museum

References

1. Middlesex Sessions Rolls. Middlesex County Records: Volume 3, 1625-67. London : Middlesex County Record Society, 1888.

2. Bird, Ruth, ed. The Journal of Giles Moore of Horsted Keynes, 1655-1679. Lewes : Sussex Record Society, 1971.

3. Turner, E. Extracts from the Diary of Richard Stapley, Gent. of Hickstead Place, in Twineham, from 1682 to 1724. . Sussex Archaeological Collections. 1849, Vol. 2.

4. Pepys, Samuel. Diary. [Online] https://www.pepysdiary.com/diary.

5. National Archives. Will of Michael Acton 1697. TNA PROB 11/439/26.

6. Reed, M. Buckinghamshire probate inventories 1661-1714. Buckinghamshire Record Society. 1988, Vol. 24, 258-9.

7. George, E. and George, S. Bristol probate inventories, Part 2: 1657-1689. Bristol : Bristol Records Society publication 57, 2005.

 

Mid seventeenth century lace: cost versus income

This has been written because someone said in a Facebook group, I want to use lace, but I want it to be relevant to my station. This was something that worried people at the time. Samuel Pepys at one point in 1669 wrote he did not wear a particular suit “because it was too fine with the gold lace at the hands, that I was afeard to be seen in it.” When he did get around to wearing it he wrote “Povy told me of my gold-lace sleeves in the Park yesterday, which vexed me also, so as to resolve never to appear in Court with them, but presently to have them taken off, as it is fit I should, and so to my wife at Unthanke’s, and coach, and so called at my tailor’s to that purpose.” (1)

Below are images from a letter from Elizabeth Isham (1609-1654) to her father, with samples of ten penny, seven penny, six penny and tuppenny lace. (2) These are simple cheap laces, the type that caused Margaret Spufford to write that “lace represented perhaps, the most straightforward index of cheap luxury.” (3 p. 99) They are compared to the values set for a day’s work by the Suffolk Sessions in 1630, these rates were found – that is the employer provided food and drink during the day. (4 pp. 307-11)

Tuppenny lace – This maybe the type of lace that poor children were set to making when they were learning to make lace so that “no child be suffered to beg,” but that they should learn “as soon as ever they be capable of instruction.” (5 p. 89) The rate set in 1630 for “women and such impotent persons that weed corn,” was 2d a day.

Sixpenny lace - There are two laces at this rate. In 1630 6d was the day rate for a tailor, a hedger or a dawber. A dawber is a man who covers the walls of a building with daub, as in wattle and daub. This type of lace is also bought by the gentry, the Shuttleworth accounts have twelve yards of six pence a yard lace being bought “for my Mris” in 1613. (6 p. 206)

Sevenpenny and ten penny laces – You are now into the wages paid to skilled men. A master joiner or master carpenter, or a thatcher might be paid 8d a day. This is also the rate for mowers and reapers of corn, who are paid more than mowers of hay.

As can be seen the above are all very simple laces, and all white linen. Black lace was usually made of silk, and purchased for mourning. In 1626 the Howards of Naworth Castle purchased “13 yeards of black bone lace for my Lady 13s.” (7 p. 239)

How much were more expensive, deeper, more complex linen bone [bobbin] laces in the Civil War period? The chapman William Mackerell in 1642 had bone laces in his stock ranging from 5d to 3s 8d a yard. (3 pp. 186-90) The most expensive laces where those purchased by the aristocracy. In 1641 the Marquis of Hertford’s accounts have “paid by my Hon Ladie for 4 yards of bone lace at 15s a yard, 2 yards of bone lace at 10s per yard, for making 4 laced round handkerchers.” (8 p. 19)

What about metal laces? They were valued by the ounce because of the value of the metal. When Elizabeth le Strange got married in 1635 she bought for two gowns for her wedding, silver bone lace (22.25 ounces equaling 28 yards) for six shillings a yard. (8 p. 126)

References

1. Pepys, Samuel. Diary. [Online] https://www.pepysdiary.com/diary.

2. Levey, Santina. Lace: a history. London : Victoria and Albert Museum, 1983.

3. Spufford, Margaret. The great reclothing of rural England: petty chapman and their wares in the seventeenth century. London : Hambledon Press, 1984.

4. Archbold, W.A.J. An Assessment of wages for 1630. English Historical Review. 1897, Vol. 12.

5. Slack, Paul. Poverty in Early Stuart Salibury. Devizes : Wiltshire Record Society, 1975.

6. Harland, John (ed.). The House and Farm Accounts of the Shuttleworths ...1582-1621, Part 1. Lancaster : Chetham Society, 1856.

7. Ornsby, G. ed. Selections from the Household Books of the Lord William Howard of Naworth Castle. Publications of the Surtees Society. 1878, Vol. 68.

8. Morgan, F. C. Private Purse Accounts of the Marquis of Hertford, Michaelmas 1641-2. Antiquaries Journal. 1945, Vols. 25, 12-42, pp. 12-42.

9. Whittle, Jane and Griffiths, Elizabeth. Consumption and Gender in the Early Seventeenth Century Household. Oxford : OUP, 2012.

On whitsters and bleachers – or how white should my linens be?

Introduction

Clean, white looking, linen has long been a sign of respectability. Households at all levels of society washed linens. The great households had permanent staff to do this, gentry and the middling sort might employ occasional staff, or send items out to be washed. In 1612 Slingby was paying 5d for each shirt washed, 2d for a band, 1d each for boothose and cap linings. (1 p. 270) Gabriel Metsu’s painting shows such a washerwoman at her tub. [Figure 1] The whiteness of linen was obtained by bleaching, and sometimes by the addition of a small amount of blue, usually in the form of powdered smalt. 

Figure 1: 

Gabriel Metsu (1629–1667) The washerwoman. Muzeum Narodowe, Warsaw

Bleaching

Bleaching was part of both the manufacturing and laundering processes for linens. As the Trinity Homilies of c.1200 puts it “Sume bereð sole cloð to þe watere forto wasshen it clene. … Sume bereð clene cloð to watere to blechen him ….” (Some bring soiled clothes to the water to wash them clean … Some bring clean clothes to the water to bleach them). (2 p. 57) Ruisdael’s View of the Bleaching Grounds of Haarlem, c.1665, shows large quantities of fabric laid out in the sun to bleach. [Figure 2] The subject is one Ruisdael came back to more than once, he shows a small bleaching ground by a cottage in a painting in the National Gallery. 

Figure 2: 

Jacob van Ruisdael, View of Haarlem with Bleaching Grounds c1665. Kunsthaus Zürich

While bleaching was part of the production process for linen, it was also part of the cleaning process for household linens; sheets, tablecloths, shirts, smocks, etc. Gervase Markham in his English Housewife states that; “Now … hus-wifes scoure and white their cloath with water and branne, and bucke it with lie and greene hemlocks.” (3) In London this bleaching was sometimes done around Moorfields, Massinger wrote “Some Chandlers daughters Bleaching linnen in Moor-fields.” (4) A Dialogue attributed to Sir William Davenant (1606-68) has a man saying, “I shall desire you to banish the laundresses  and bleachers, whose acres of old linen make a shew like the fields of Carthagena, when the five months' shifts of the whole fleet are washed and spread.” (5 p. 571) Teniers painting of a bleaching ground shows a more domestic bleaching than in Ruisdael’s bleaching grounds. In Teniers there are obviously shirt and smock shaped garments. [Figure 3] 

Figure 3: 

David Teniers II, The Bleaching Ground, c.1643-6. The Henry Barber Trust, The Barber Institute of Fine Arts, University of Birmingham

 Whitsters

Whitsters were laundresses who whitened linens. Shakespeare in the Merry Wives of Windsor has whitsters at Datchet, a village on the Thames, close to Windsor Castle. He wrote “take this basket on your shoulders; that done trudge with it in all hast, and carry it among the Whitsters in Dotchet Mead.” A buck-basket would contain cloth to be bucked, that is soaked or washed in a bucking tub containing a lye of wood ashes. In the eighteenth century Chambers Cyclopedia described this thus, the “Bucking of cloth is the first step or degree of whitening it." (6) There is a full description of the bucking of garments in households in Susan North’s book. (7 pp. 219-22)

Pepys mentions his wife and maids going over the River Thames to the South Bank to get laundry whitened. “My wife and maids being gone over the water to the Whitsters with their clothes, this being the first time of her trying this way of washing her linen.” The following day he wrote “my wife being again at the whitster’s,” and the day after, “At noon, my wife being gone to the whitster’s again to her clothes.” (8 pp. 12, 13 & 14 Aug 1667) From this it would appear to have been a protracted process, she was back there again on the 26^th August, “and my wife being gone abroad with Mrs. Turner to her washing at the whitster’s.”

 

Figure 4: Pieter de Hooch. Woman and a child at a bleaching ground. c.1657. Rothschild Collection (Waddesdon)

 

After the washing the textiles and garments could then be laid out of the ground, as mentioned in the bleaching grounds, or on a hedge to bleach. Shakespeare has, “The white sheete bleaching on the hedge” (9) Pieter de Hooch shows a woman taking garments from a basket to lay them on the ground. [Figure 4]

Blue

Powdered smalt is often referred to in accounts as powder blue. The Earl of Sussex’s accounts for his house at Gorambury for the period 1637-8 show quarterly purchases of over £1 on soap, plus 6 shillings for 12 pound of white starch and 2 shillings for one pound of powder blue. (10 pp. 104,114, 115, 120) When the Countess of Bath has laundry done in 1650 as well as “10lb of soap to wash the linen 5s,” she also pays for “blue starch to rench the cloth withal 4d” (11 p. 154) To rench is to rinse the cloth.

 References

1. Slingsby, Henry. The Diary of Sir Henry Slingsby. London : Longman, 1836.

2. Morris, R. Old English homilies of the twelfth century : from the unique ms. B. 14. 52. in the library of Trinity College, Cambridge. London : Early English Text Society, 1873.

3. Markham, Gervase. The English Huswife. London : J. Beale for R. Jackson, 1615.

4. Massinger, Philip. The City Madam. London : Andrew Pennycuicke, 1659.

5. Cunningham, Peter. Handbook for London. London : John Murray, 1849.

6. Chambers, Ephraim. Cyclopaedia . London : D'Midwinter et al, 1741.

7. North, Susan. Sweet and clean?: bodies and clothes in Early Modern England. Oxford : O.U.P., 2020.

8. Pepys, Samuel. Diary. [Online] https://www.pepysdiary.com/diary.

9. Shakespeare, William. A Winter's Tale, Act 4, Scene 3. 1623.

10. Munby, Lionel M. Early Stuart Household Accounts. Ware : Hertfordshire Record Society, 1986.

11. Gray, Todd. Devon Household Accounts 1627-59. Part 2 . Exeter : Devon and Cornwall Record Society, new series, vol. 39, 1996.

12. Robertson, S. The expense Book of James Master 1646-1676 [Part 1, 1646-1655], transcribed by Mrs Dallison. Archaeologia Cantiana. 1883, Vol. 15, 152-216, pp. 152-216.

13. Kent Archaeological Society. Kentish Documents, c.1530-1810 - A Transcription Project. . [Online] 2015. [Cited: June 30, 2025.] https://www.kentarchaeology.org.uk/13/01/30.pdf.